MARCH, 1793.] Debate on Mr. Giles's Resolutions. [H. OF R. mation in due time of the moneys drawn by him tion wanted. It is well known to every member from Europe into the United States, and of the that this mode was never adopted in any call for cause of such drafts." He rose principally to re-information respecting our fiscal concerns, or other mark, that the arguments which had been used by the advocates of these resolutions, in support of the first which had been discussed, and particularly by the member from Virginia, [Mr. MADISON,] were of such a nature as must, if applied to the one now under debate, compel that gentleman to abandon this charge, and give it his negative, if he would preserve any sort of consistency between his arguments and his vote. It had been asserted by him, and seemed to be relied upon as an important fact, that the Secretary's agency in respect to foreign loans did not necessarily result from the duties of his office, or the constitution of the Treasury Department, which on that head was silent, but that it was founded upon a special commission and instructions given to that officer by the PRESIDENT, in whom the laws had vested an authority. Under that view, then, it was deemed convenient and proper to regard the PRESIDENT as the principal, and the Secretary as his agent, in order that there might appear to be some foundation for the charge against the latter for having acted in any instance without the express instructions of the former. If this was truly the relationship in which the Secretary stood to the PRESIDENT-if the PRESIDENT'S commission was his authority, and the PRESIDENT's instructions his law and guide-if the case of loans was, in respect to the Treasury Department, an extraordinary and extra-official one, not necessarily falling under the head of it, but distinct from the ordinary revenues which bounded his legal authority, as had been declared by a member from Virginia and another from Pennsylvania, Mr. D. called upon those two gentlemen to explain with what propriety the Secretary of the Treasury could be censured for not comprising in his annual official statement of receipts and expenditures of public moneys in his Department a report of his agency in a business unconnected therewith, which he transacted, not in quality of financier, but of agent, and for which he was directly responsible to the PRESIDENT, Who was his principal, and who could, and doubtless would, have dismissed him from office, if he had acted unfaithfully. There appeared to his mind (Mr. D. said) such inconsistency and contradiction between the reasoning he had quoted and the resolution on the table, as induced him to believe that all who gave their assent to those arguments, but especially those who had expressed and supported them, would join with him in voting against this proposition. matters relating to the ordinary business of the Department, but that it was always observed when the information wanted was of such a nature as to render it improper for either of the subordinate Executive officers to give it without the order of their head, the PRESIDENT. Shall the Secretary of the Treasury, then, be censured for not reporting to Congress transactions unasked for, which it is admitted he was not at liberty to report, even upon the order of the House, without the sanction and express direction of the PRESIDENT? Shall he be censured for not giving information of the moneys drawn by him from Europe, and of the causes of making such drafts, when the very laws which authorized the loan of fourteen millions, point out the causes. declare the purposes, and designate the appropriation? The act of the 12th of August directed the application of two millions to the purchase of the Public Debt. Was not this country the only proper place for that operation? And would any one say that those purchases could be made advantageously for the United States unless the money was drawn here? Was there not a discretionary power given to the Executive over the other twelve millions destined to the payment of our debt to France, in virtue of which, such portion of it might be drawn here as might be deemed consistent with the public good? Had not events fully justified Congress in having granted that discretionary power, and the Executive in the use they had made of it? Through the instrumentality of those drafts, we had been enabled to purchase nearly two millions of our own debt, and to pay in this country (principally in our own produce) about half a million of the French debt, by which the Colony of St. Domingo had been relieved from its sufferings, and the Government and people of France highly gratified and benefited. Far from meriting censure for arrangements so provident and beneficial, the man who had effected them was (Mr. D. asserted) entitled to the commendation and thanks of his countrymen. That the Secretary had discharged both his ordinary and extraordinary duties with ability and integrity, had been directly denied by none; that he had misconstrued the act of the 4th of August, and departed from its true spirit. had been urged and supported by very few; but that the arrangements which he made had proved beneficial to France, and highly favorable to the interests of the United States, seemed to have been admitted by all, even by the very gentlemen who had questioned the legality of them. But there were other reasons (Mr. D. added) Mr. D. concluded with saying that he was hapwhich seemed to his judgment to lead irresisti-py to find he should be with a very large majobly to the same conclusion. The House of Re-rity of the House in the vote that the Secretary presentatives had already expressed their sense was not chargeable with the omission and failure upon this subject. Their resolutions, passed on which the resolution aimed to fix upon him. the 23d of January, without any opposition, evidently recognised certain principles which directly militated against those contained in this resolution. The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES was there requested to communicate the informa It was resolved in the affirmative-yeas 33, nays 15, as follows: YEAS.-Fisher Ames, Robert Barnwell, Egbert Benson, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Jonathan Dayton, Thomas Fitzsimons, El H. OF R.] Official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury. [MARCH, 1793. bridge Gerry, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, YEAS.-Fisher Ames, Robert Barnwell, Egbert BenJames Gordon, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, Wil- son, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin liam Hindman, Philip Key, Aaron Kitchell, John Lau- Bourne, Jonathan Dayton, Thomas Fitzsimons, Elrance, Amasa Learned, George Leonard, Samuel Liver-bridge Gerry, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, more, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, William Vans James Gordon, William Barry Grove, Thomas Hartley, Murray, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, Wil- James Hillhouse, William Hindman, Aaron Kitchell, liam Smith, John Steele, Samuel Sterrett, Jonathan John Laurance, Amasa Learned, George Leonard, SaSturges, George Thatcher, Thomas Tudor Tucker, Ar- muel Livermore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, Natemas Ward, and Hugh Williamson. thaniel Niles, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, William Smith, John Steele, Samuel Sterrett, Jonathan Sturges, George Thatcher, Thomas Tudor Tucker, NAYS.-John Baptist Ashe, Abraham Baldwin, William Findley, William B. Giles, Samuel Griffin, William Barry Grove, Richard Bland Lee, Nathaniel Ma-Artemas Ward, and Hugh Williamson. con, James Madison, John Francis Mercer, Andrew Moore, Nathaniel Niles, John Page, Josiah Parker, and Israel Smith. NAYS.-John Baptist Ashe, Abraham Baldwin, William Findley, William B. Giles, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, John Francis Mercer, and Josiah Parker. lowing: Another motion was then made, and the quesAnother motion was then made, and the question being put, that the House do agree with the tion being put, that the House do agree with the Committee of the Whole House in their disagree- Committee of the Whole House in their disagreement to the sixth resolution, in the words follow-ment to the eighth resolution, in the words foling: "Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury has, "Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury has without the instruction of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNIT- been guilty of an indecorum to this House, in underED STATES, drawn more moneys, borrowed in Holland, taking to judge of its motives in calling for information, into the United States, than the PRESIDENT OF THE which was demandable of him, from the constitution of UNITED STATES was authorized to draw, under the act his office, and in failing to give all the necessary informof the twelfth of August, one thousand seven hundred ation within his knowledge relatively to the subjects of and ninety, which act appropriated two millions of dol-reference made to him, of the nineteenth of January, lars only, when borrowed, to the purchase of the Public Debt; and that he has omitted to discharge an essential duty of his office, in failing to give official information to the Commissioners for purchasing the Public Debt, of the various sums drawn from time to time, suggested by him to have been intended for the purchase of the Public Debt:" It was resolved in the affirmative-yeas 33, nays 8, as follows: one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and of the twenty-second of November, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, during the present session;" YEAS.-Fisher Ames, Robert Barnwell, Egbert Benson, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Jonathan Dayton, Thomas Fitzsimons, El-ably to his instructions. If there had been any bridge Gerry, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, William Barry Grove, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, Aaron Kitchell, John Laurance, Amasa Learned, George Leonard, Samuel Livermore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, Nathaniel Niles, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, William Smith, John Steele, Samuel Sterrett, Jonathan Sturges, George Thatcher, Thomas Tudor Tucker, Artemas Ward, and Hugh Williamson. NAYS.-John Baptist Ashe, Abraham Baldwin, William Findley, William B. Giles, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, John Francis Mercer, and Josiah Par ker. Another motion was then made, and the question being put, that the House do agree with the Committee of the Whole House in their disagreement to the seventh resolution, in the words following: "Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury did not consult the public interest, in negotiating a Loan with the Bank of the United States, and drawing therefrom four hundred thousand dollars, at five per centum per annum, when a greater sum of public money was deposited in various banks, at the respective periods of making the respective drafts:" It was resolved in the affirmative-yeas 33, nays 8, as follows: which had just prevailed by so considerable a maMr. WILLIAM SMITH said, that, after the vote jority on the preceding resolutions, the Committee tary of the Treasury for failing to give the informcould not, with any propriety, criminate the Secreation alluded to, because by that vote it had been established that the Secretary had only acted under the authority of the PRESIDENT, and conformomission to communicate information to Congress, that omission was surely not chargeable to the Secretary. But it had been already clearly shown, by documents in the possession of the House, that the necessary information had been communicated. The Treasurer's accounts, which had been from time to time laid before the House, exhibited the amount of moneys proceeding from the sale of bills, and the Secretary's Report of February, 1791, conveyed full information of the drawing. It was true, there was a sum of about $600,000, the proceeds of bills which, as had been remarked the Treasurer's account, but this was owing to the by a gentleman, [Mr. MADISON,] did not appear in sales of the bills by the Bank not having been closed at the time the last quarterly account was rendered, and consequently that sum could not appear in the Treasurer's account. [Mr. MADISON said, he had not meant to blame the Treasurer.] Mr. SMITH proceeded. The gentleman, however, had attributed misconduct to the Secretary, for withholding information of the amount of moneys in the Treasury accruing from Foreign loans, when directed by the House, January 19th, 1792, to report whether the existing revenues were adequate to face the additional expense of the MARCH, 1793.] Debate on Mr. Giles's Resolutions. [H. of R. Mr. S. could not forbear expressing ficial object, in order to apply them to the current service. It was not to be supposed that the Secretary would have recommended such a diversion. To impute blame to him for not communicating the amount of moneys drawn from time to time, there must have been some law or order of the House requiring the communication, or it must have been necessary to some object depending before the House. What law or order of the House made it necessary? None. The laws authorized the loans, and prescribed their objects; the rest was mere Executive business; and no communication was necessary to any measure depending before the House. But though the Secretary would not have been censurable for omitting to give the information, the truth was, that the PRESIDENT's Speech of 8th December, 1790, the Secretary's Report of 25th February, and the act of the 3d of March, 1791, were conclusive proofs that the Legislature knew that the proceeds of the loans were in a Indian war. great surprise at this remark of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. MADISON,] when he recollected what had been just before said by the same gentleman in support of the former resolution. The gentleman, on that occasion, in his attempt to disprove the right of the Secretary, ex officio, to superintend the moneys derived from the Foreign loans, had endeavored to establish a nice distinction between the ordinary internal revenues of the country, and the resources resulting from Foreign loans The law constituting the Treasury Department, he had said, gave the Secretary power only over the revenues, which embraced only the ordinary resources, whereas loans were distinct things, the management of which was specially intrusted by law to the Supreme Magistrate, and in relation to which the Secretary could exercise no authority whatever that was not derived from the PRESIDENT. The gentleman now argued that the Secretary was blameable in not giving information of the state of these extra-train of being brought to the United States, and ordinary resources, which were not within his Department, when only called upon to state the amount of the ordinary revenues, which were within his Department. He left it to the gentleman to reconcile this contradiction, for certainly his doctrine was erroneous on the former occasion, or it must be so now. If the moneys obtained from Foreign loans were to be deemed the revenues of the country, then they fell of course under the management of the Head of the Treasury Department, and it was wrong in the gentleman to impute misconduct to the Secretary for exercising a legal authority; if, on the contrary, those moneys were viewed as an extra resource, and not within the purview of the Secretary's functions, then it was wrong to censure him for not communicating a state of those moneys, when required only to report the ordinary revenues. Without admitting the soundness of the distinction set up by the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. S. said that it was never in the intention of the House, nor in the idea of any individual member, to call for a state of the moneys proceeding from the Foreign loans, when they passed the order of the 19th January, 1792. That order was in these terms: "Ordered, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before this House such information with respect to the finances of the United States, as will enable the Legislature to judge whether any additional revenue will be necessary in consequence of the proposed increase of the military establishment." This call was fully complied with, for the Secretary laid before the House an estimate of the internal revenues-which, unquestionably, were the only revenues in contemplation of the House at the time-and the House being satisfied that they were incompetent, laid additional duties. The House knew, as well as the Secretary, that loans had been made, and that moneys had, under them, been drawn into this country; but they knew that those moneys had been specially appropriated to the Sinking Fund, and it never entered into the idea of any member to divert them from that bene the accounts of receipts and expenditures presented in the first week of the session, informed the House that a large sum had been drawn for, and the Treasurer's quarterly account contained further information on the subject, all which was prior to any call of the House for such information. Hence, Mr. S. deduced, that it was not a fact that the Secretary had failed to give the information, as stated in the resolution, and that had he even so failed, he would not have been censurable for a breach of an essential duty of his office. It had been said, by a member from Pennsylvania, [Mr. FINDLEY,] that the lateness of the information from the Secretary made it inconvenient to go into an inquiry of his official conduct so near the close of the session. To this, Mr. S. replied, that he did not expect such a remark from that quarter of the House. If the gentleman had not been prepared for the inquiry, or thought it an improper season to enter upon it, why did he second the motion for bringing forward the charges? If suspicion had so long existed against the integrity of the Secretary, why was not information called for at the beginning of the session? Why was the call delayed till the session was within a few weeks of its termination? It was admitted that the Secretary had obeyed the order of the House with wonderful alacrity and promptitude. It was indeed strange that the gentleman who brought forward the charges, should be the first to complain that there was not time for their consideration. Mr. S. concluded by noticing the observation of Mr. MERCER and Mr. MADISON, that the opinion of the House on the preceding resolutions would not change the truth of facts, and that the public would ultimately decide whether the Secretary's conduct was criminal or not. This, said Mr. S., was like the conduct of a prosecutor, who having chosen his jurisdiction, and being nonsuited, wished to appeal to another tribunal. Why were the resolutions brought before the House? Was it not to substantiate the truth of them by a vote? And had the prosecution succeeded, would the Secretary have had an appeal to the public? No; the resolutions would have been sent to the PRESIDENT, and the Secretary would have been removed, disgraced, and ruined forever, without appeal. Mr. FINDLEY said: Since these resolutions were laid on the table, I have, upon reflection, been convinced of the impropriety of connecting it with the others, or of treating this part of the Secretary's conduct in this manner. It is solely in the power of this House to punish all contemptuous or indecent treatment of its authority or orders; for this purpose, it is not necessary to lay our opinions in this way before the public, report them to the PRESIDENT, or make them a foundation of impeachment. We might have ordered him to the bar of this House, and obliged him to make proper acknowledgments. I have known some high in office treated in this manner for infinitely less impropriety. It is true, in the case to which 1 allude, I thought the affair was carried too far; the offence was only a letter to the House respecting the conduct of a member, whom the officer charged with making free with his character in an insidious manner among the members. I would be sorry to see this House pursue such trifles. Though the indecorum of the Secretary to this House is of a higher nature, I think it is best to treat it with silent contempt; I will vote against this resolution, lest it should be interpreted as a relinquishment of our authority to punish contempts. The question was then taken, and it was resolved in the affirmative-yeas 34, nays 7, as follows: YEAS. Fisher Ames, Robert Barnwell, Egbert Benson, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Jonathan Dayton, William Findley, Thomas Fitzsimons, Elbridge Gerry, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, Aaron Kitchell, John Laurance, Amasa Learned, George Leonard, Samuel Livermore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, Nathaniel Niles, Josiah Parker, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, William Smith, John Steele, Samuel Sterrett, Jonathan Sturges, George Thatcher, Thomas Tudor Tucker, Artemas Ward, and Hugh Williamson. NAYS.-John Baptist Ashe, Abraham Baldwin, William B. Giles, William Barry Grove, Richard Bland Lee, Nathaniel Macon, and James Madison. SATURDAY, March 2. The SPEAKER laid before the House a Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanying his report on the petition of Lewis Garanger. on behalf of his brother, Charles Garanger; which were read, and ordered to lie on the table. PUBLIC PRINTING. Mr. FITZSIMONS, from the committee to whom was referred the Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, stating certain inaccuracies in printing the statements communicated by his first and second Letters lately presented, on the subject of Foreign loans, and expressing a wish that some regulation may be adopted to enable the Head of the Treasury Department to secure the fidelity [MARCH, 1793. and correctness of the printed copies of the reports which shall hereafter be made to the House, and shall be committed to the press by their order, made a report; which was twice read, and agreed to by the House, as follows: "That the committee have examined into the circumstances stated in the Letter, and find "That the standing order of the Clerk of this House to the printer, is, to send the proof sheets of all reports and statements to the Department from whence they were made, and that this practice has been generally followed. "That it has been discontinued during the present session (so far as respects the Secretary of the Treasury) from an opinion of the printer, that the delay which the examination would occasion, might interfere with the intention of the House, of having the business speedily accomplished. "It did not appear to the committee, that any unnecessary delay had taken place at the office of the Compnor in the printer, in the execution of his business. troller, by reason of the examination of the proof sheets, "The committee are of opinion, that it is not necessary for them to recommend any new regulation for the future execution of this business; but, in order to rectify the errors which have taken place in the printed reports and statements, the committee recommend the following resolution: "Resolved, That there be printed under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury, three hundred copies of the reports and statements made by him during the present session, and that the same be delivered to the Clerk to this House." Resolved, That the Clerk of the House of Representatives shall be deemed to continue in office until a successor be appointed. Resolved, That the Doorkeeper and assistant Doorkeeper of the House of Representatives shall be deemed to continue in office until successors to those officers, respectively, be appointed. Resolved, That the Clerk of this House be authorized to pay to Thomas Claxton, out of the money appropriated to defray the contingent expenses of this House, the sum of eighty dollars, for extra services. The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the bill making addition to the compensation of the Auditor of the Treasury, and the Commissioner of the Revenue; and, after some time spent therein, the Chairman reported that the Committee had had the said bill under thereto; which were severally twice read, and consideration, and made several amendments agreed to by the House. amendments, be engrossed, and read the third time, And on the question, that the said bill, with the it was resolved in the affirmative—yeas 24, nays 17, as follows: Barnwell, Egbert Benson, Shearjashub Bourne, BenjaYEAS.-Fisher Ames, Abraham Baldwin, Robert min Bourne, Jonathan Dayton, William Findley, Thomas Fitzsimons, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, Thomas Hartley, Philip Key, John Laurance, Richard Bland Lee, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, Josiah Parker, Theodore Sedgwick, William Smith, John Steele, George Thatcher, Thomas Tudor Tucker, and Francis Willis. Mr. LIVERMORE, from the managers appointed on the part of this House to attend the conference with the Senate, on the subject-matter of the amendments depending between the two Houses, to the bill, entitled "An act fixing the time for the next annual meeting of Congress," made a report; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table. A message from the Senate, informed the House that the Senate have passed the bill, entitled "An act for the relief of Simeon Thayer," with an amendment; to which they desire the concurrence of this House. The House proceeded to consider the said amendment, and, the same being read, was disagreed toyeas 17. nays 21, as follows: [H. of R. of the order of this House, of the eighth of May last; which were read, and laid on the table. Ordered, That the Clerk of this House be directed, to suffer such persons as have given in statements of their public conduct, to the committee appointed to inquire into the causes of the failure of the expedition under General St. Clair, to take copies of all or any such statements. The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the bill marking farther provision for securing and collecting the duties on Foreign and Domestic distilled spirits, stills, wines, and teas; and, after some time spent therein, the Committee rose, and were discharged from the further consideration of the said bill. The SPEAKER laid before the House a Letter from the Secretary of War, accompanying his reports on sundry petitions; which were read, and ordered to lie on the table. A message from the Senate, informed the House that the Senate having completed the Legislative business before them, are now about to adjourn. YEAS.-Fisher Ames, Robert Barnwell, Egbert BenResolved, That Mr. BOUDINOT, Mr. SEDGWICK, son, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Nicholas and Mr. HINDMAN, be appointed a committee, jointGilman, Andrew Gregg, Thomas Hartley, John Lau-ly, with a committee on the part of the Senate, to rence, Richard Bland Lee, Samuel Livermore, Josiah Parker, Theodore Sedgwick, William Smith, George Thacher, Thomas Tredwell, and Francis Willis. NAYS.-Elias Boudinot, Abraham Clark, William Findley, Thomas Fitzsimons, Christopher Greenup, William Barry Grove, Daniel Heister, Aaron Kitchell, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Andrew Moore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, Nathaniel Niles, Alexander D. Orr, Peter Sylvester, Jeremiah Smith, John Steele, Jonathan Sturges, Thomas Sumpter, and Hugh Williamson. A message from the Senate, informed the House that the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES Will, on Monday next, take the oath of office required by the Constitution, in the Senate Chamber, at twelve o'clock. An engrossed bill making addition to the compensation of the Auditor of the Treasury, and the Commissioner of the Revenue, was read the third time and passed. Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury report to Congress, on the first Monday of January next, the number of stills in the respective districts, distinguishing those that are employed in distilling spirits from materials of the growth of the United States; and also, the nett product of revenue arising from the respective Districts and States, particularizing the drawbacks, and distinguishing the Foreign from American materials, and the product by the gallon, month, and year. Also, the number of officers, and amount of their salaries. The House then adjourned until seven o'clock post meridian. EVENING SESSION-7 P. M. The SPEAKER laid before the House, a Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanying a copy of a letter from the Commissioner of the Revenue to him; also, a report of the general state of the revenue on stills, and on spirits distilled, within the United States, made in pursuance wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and inform him that Congress is ready to adjourn without day, unless he may have any farther communications to make to them. A message from the Senate, informed the House that the Senate have agreed to the resolution of this House for the appoinment of a joint committee, to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and inform him of the intended recess of Congress, and have appointed a committee for that purpose, on their part. On a motion made and seconded, "That the thanks of the House of Representatives be presented to JONATHAN TRUMBULL, in testimony of their approbation of his conduct in the Chair, and in the execution of the difficult and important trust reposed in him, as SPEAKER of the said House," It was resolved unanimously: Whereupon, Mr. SPEAKER made his acknowledgments to the House, in manner following: testimony of your approbation of my conduct in the Chair. "GENTLEMEN : You have made me very happy by this I feel, at the same time, an additional pleasure in the opportunity of rendering to you my sincere acknowledgments for the kind candor and indulgence, as well as the constant aid and support, which I have experienced in the performance of the duty which you were pleased to assign me. Be assured, gentlemen, I shall ever retain a grateful sense of your goodness-and you will suffer me to add, that my best wishes for your welfare and happiness, in public and private life, will attend each member of this honorable body." Mr. BOUDINOT, from the Joint Committee appointed to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and inform him of the intended recess of Congress, reported that the Committee had performed that duty, and that the PRESIDENT was pleased to say he had no farther communication to make during the present session: Whereupon, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House sine die. |
