of duty, that the Committee on Military Affairs, if it was an act especially under their cognizance, had transferred it. If they did not have the responsibility of it, it is the very best argument to show why they should now have no business with it; and as a matter of course it would lay the axe at the root of the claim which they set up here why it should be transferred to them, as a matter coming within their peculiar cognizance. I do not know what the views of the Administration are about fortifications, nor do I care; but I know what my own views are. I know what the views of the last Congress were upon it, and I am acting in continuance of those views. The Military Committee having their attention engaged, perhaps, exclusively in regard to the army-in regard to the defence of our southwestern frontierthe Pacific frontier-in regard to the transportation of the army-in regard to those bills which necessarily fall within their cognizance-will have a busy time of it-too busy a time of it to pass upon the policy of continuing or modifying this system of fortifications. I have no particular interest in this matter. The gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. CLINGMAN,] to whose resolution this report is a reply, remarked to me yesterday, that he had a strong desire that this matter should go to a select committee. Not finding him in his seat, as a matter of courtesy to him. I move its reference to a select committee.

course.

cation from the President, under a resolution of Mr. CLINGMAN. I understand that in my absence, which has been but a few moments, a the House, designed to test the necessity of the continuation of fortifications, and the character of motion has been made by my friend from Kenthese fortifications. The fact that this communi- tucky, [Mr. MARSHALL,] to refer this subject to a cation is called out by special resolution, and the select committee. There was some little converfact that it is a special communication to this sation between us on yesterday, and we both came House, proposing new measures in reference to to the conclusion that it would be the proper fortifications, argues the propriety of committing I will briefly state the reasons which opthe whole subject to a select committee. I do not erated upon my mind for making that suggestion wish to discuss this matter at all; but I am anx- to him. It will be recollected that at the last sesious to have that communication go to a special sion the House rejected the fortification bill. The committee for the reason that I believe it will re- object of those, no doubt, who rejected it was not ceive the attention that a special committee will to refuse absolutely all appropriations for fortifigive it, unprejudged by the recommendation of the cations, but to obtain a change in the existing Department; unprejudged by the habit of a stand-system. The bill was rejected, notwithstanding ing committee in responding to the recommenda- it received the sanction of the standing committee tions of the Department. It is under the convic- of this House. The Military Committee sanction that a special committee will put an end to tioned the bill, and the chairman desired its pasthe whole system; will reflect the will of the nation as it was reflected in the last Congress in reference to the subject, that I desire the reference of the subject to a select committee. The last Congress refused to give anything for fortifications. If this Congress is wise, it will also so refuse, and put an end to this drain upon the Treasury, without any benefit to the country. We have learned the important fact, that when a man wants to be shot at he does not conceal himself behind a fortification. [Laughter.] I hope the bill may be referred to a special committee.

Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. The Committee of Ways and Means at the last Congress took charge of no proposition, I believe, connected with appropriations or fortifications which was not referred to that committee. The estimates submitted by the War Department, through the Treasury Department, for the support and continuance of fortifications, were referred to that committee. The Committee of Ways and Means, in pursuance of these estimates, reported a bill making appropriations for the continuance and maintenance of such fortifications as they thought should be established, and when that bill came here there were one or two of the members of the Committee of Ways and Means who coöperated with those who thought the system was a bad one and should be stopped, and they exerted themselves to defeat the bill. This is a different proposition. We will again have the estimates for fortifications when we get the other estimates, and they of course will go to the Committee of Ways and Means.

If I have any knowledge of what this report is, it is, as to the continuance or discontinuance of some fortifications, or the establishment of others upon a different basis from that now prevailing. If so, it goes legitimately and properly, under the rules of the House, to the standing Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. CARTTER. I am glad to hear a response that the Committee of Ways and Means had charge of appropriations for fortifications. It was a new duty which they had fathered.

Mr. JONES. The gentleman misunderstood me, and I wish to correct him. I say that the Committee of Ways and Means at the last Congress had the estimates for fortifications referred to them. In pursuance of that reference and those estimates, in the discharge of their duty they reported a bill to the House. This is upon a different subject altogether.

Mr. CARTTER. I understood the gentleman as I do now-that the Committee of Ways and Means had in charge the subject now proposed to be referred; that they had in charge certain appropriations recommended to them by the Department, a part of which they adopted and a part rejected. The gentleman remarks again-what we are all informed of—that this is a special communi

Mr. JONES. Certainly.

Mr. CARTTER. Does the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. JONES] read that rule for the purpose of convincing this House that they have not the power of committing this subject to a special committee?

Mr. JONES. Not at all. I read that rule for the purpose of letting the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CARTTER] and this House see what is the proper duty of the Committee on Military Affairs; and that this report, now before the House from the War Department, is one of the legitimate duties of that committee. If I understand the object of the gentleman from Ohio, in having this special committee raised, and this report referred to it, if you follow the parliamentary rule in organizing that committee, his object will be defeated. The standing committees of this House are organized upon broad national principles, in view of the subjects which shall be legitimately referred to them, and which have claims to their consideration. This subject is one of that character. It is proposed to refer it, however, to a special com

mittee.

sage.

Mr. BURT. I merely desire to say to my friend from North Carolina, [Mr. CLINGMAN,] that the Committee on Military Affairs never saw that bill until it was reported to the House. It was a bill which my friend will remember was reported, under the rules of the House, by the Committee of Ways and Means. We had nothing to do with it, and we did not see it, and some of the committee opposed it.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I will ask the gentleman if he did not urge the House to pass the bill?

Mr. BURT. Not at all. The gentleman is totally at fault. I believe that I made the first assault upon the fortification bill at a prior session of the last Congress. I think I was not in the House when it was voted upon at the last session of Congress.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I have no doubt the gentleman attacked the bill two or three years ago. The system has been attacked again and again. My impression was that the gentleman at the last session of Congress desired its passage; but I may be wrong in that. The object of the House in de

stitute a new one, less extensive. That bill, or a similar bill, has regularly received the sanction of the House for many years past. It is known to those who have looked into the subject, that in 1816 a system of fortifications was adopted. That system proposed that one hundred and fifty seven forts should be built. Congress has gone on, from year to year, making appropriations. Up to this time fifty or sixty forts have been completed, or are in progress. More than one hundred have yet to be touched. We have gone on in this way, making appropriations from year to year; but a feeling prevailed in this House and in the country, that a change had taken place in the art of war-a great change, in the last few years, in the condition and strength of the country, which did not require a system of fortifications so extensive as this. Upon these grounds the House rejected the bill, and these resolutions were offered, therefore, with a view of retrenching the existing system. I understand for I have had occasion to get some knowledge of that report since it came in two or The report, we are told, proposes to modify in three days since-that the Secretary recommends some degree the system of fortifications, estab-important changes in the system of fortifications, lish a new system, and discontinue the old one. against the advice of the Corps of Engineers. He What will be the rule which should govern you recommends that a large portion of the forts they in the appointment of that special committee? It propose to complete, shall be abandoned. Now will be to give this report into the hands of a favor- I do not see how the Military Committee should able committee-to commit the child to its friends; have charge of this subject exclusively. It may and then, perhaps, you may expect, instead of an be as well referred to a naval as a military officer, adverse report, a favorable one. If a special com- and in fact, the Secretary has furnished the opinmittee should be organized upon this principle, and ions of naval men upon the subject. If the object in pursuance of the common law which governs is to defend our sea-coast mainly against naval all deliberative and legislative bodies, then I say attacks, the Naval Committee might just as well the gentleman from Ohio is not acting in such a claim it. manner as to secure his object, and procure the kind of report which I should think he was desirous of securing from his remarks. I think, therefore, that it is right and proper that this report should go to the standing Committee on Military Affairs, and not to a select committee. If the duties and business assigned to these committees are to be taken from them and referred to special committees, we had better at once abolish all rules requiring their appointment; and whenever a subject has to be referred, send it to a special committee. I will go as far as the gentleman from Ohio, or any other gentleman upon this floor, in arresting not only appropriations for fortifications, but any other unnecessary, extravagant, and wasteful appropriations.

The ground upon which I maintain that a special committee is proper is, that there is to be an entire change of the system, if the policy adopted at the lest session of Congress is to be carried out. I have great respect and confidence for the Military Committee of this House as well as the Committee of Ways and Means. I know that the chairmen of these committees, to whom this subject has been heretofore referred, have regularly sanctioned the recommendations of the Engineer Department. I do not say that the gentleman did sanction it as chairman of his committee. It is a matter of complaint with many Army officers that we have been making appropriations for twenty or thirty years to finish forts; and we have had a large number of men superintending these works and receiving

salaries, but the works are never finished. What I desire is, that we may go on and finish the works necessary. The Secretary states that about $16,000,000 have been appropriated to existing forufcations to those which have been built or are now in progress; and that the sum of five or six millions of dollars will complete them; and that it will take at least $20,000,000, perhaps more than that sum, to finish the other one hundred that are proposed to be built. I will say this to the House, that originally they classified the forts proposed to be built into six classes; when they had completed those in the first and second classes, the third was put in progress. Those forts are of the most important character, and necessary to the defence of pants of importance on the sea-coast, as they protesta vast amount of property in our large cities. Inher think that Boston and New York are now pretty well fortified. Philadelphia, Baltimore, and || Charleston, and other points, need something further. The works now in progress will enable us to protect these cities against attacks where there is a large amount of property invested, but no one supposes that every inlet into which a steamer can run shall be defended. I will here make another suggestion to the House: It will require an army of sixty-five thousand men, according to the esti mate, to man these fortifications; and that is a larger army than we have ever had. If you do Lot put troops there, the enemy will attack and eze apon some of those fortifications. I consider the movement a judicious one in which to review the whole system-to finish promptly the forts which are already begun, and to abandon those which may be deemed unnecessary.

There are some other suggestions connected with the report of the Secretary which I do not desire to dwell upon now. I do not desire to have control of this question; my only desire is that the bject may receive that direction which will insure something being done. It was the business of the Military Committee, charged with the defence of the country, to have brought in recommendations for retrenchments, but, either from supineness or some other cause, they failed to do it. That may well justify the House in confiding the set to a special committee. I hope the House wat upon the suggestion of my friend from Kentucky, [Mr. MARSHALL,] and refer the subject to a select committee, who will make that their special business-examine the large voluminous documents-bring in a report, so that we may see what ought to be done.

Mr. CARTTER. After this disclosure of purpose of the gentleman, and after the development of the contents of the budget that is proposed to be submitted, in justice to my own views, I am under the necessity of backing out of the proposition to refer the matter to a special committee. [Laughter. I am satisfied that the honorable member from North Carolina [Mr. CLINGMAN] mis

apprehended the direction of the sentiment of the last Congress. If I understood it, it was an unFielding sentiment. Just stop there with this plunder, and not patch up a new system; but it appears that the Department has gone to work, under the resolution of the honorable gentleman, propose a new one. There is no new system of public expenditure that can be proposed by this Government that will not swallow up more than

10

the fanks of the old one.

Mr. CLINGMAN. My remarks may have done injustice to the Secretary. I will state this: that the original plan adopted in 1816 was a very extensive one. The Secretary recommended that a large number of these forts be abandoned, and leaves it to Congress to say whether they shall Lish those in progress or not. I do not wish it to be understood that we should have any new tem. The only question is, whether we shall atadon the old system partially or entirely. Mr. CARTTER. If there is in this projected reformation a new system of fortifications, I am posed to organizing a select committee for that Purpose. If I understood the sentiment of the last House of Representatives it was to close the gates

this useless expenditure. That is the only bethod of getting rid of it; that is the only sentit which I would sanction. I had no idea at

the time, that a Phoenix was to rise from the ashes of the dead. If I understood the action of the last Congress, it was, upon the subject of fortifications, afalty-a totality. [Laughter.]

Mr. BURT. Mr. Speaker, it is proper that I

should say a few words in relation to the Committee on Military Affairs. I cannot comprehend how that gentleman [Mr. CLINGMAN] and the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. MARSHALL] could have been brought to think that the Committee on Military Affairs had charge of the fortification bill at the last session, or were in favor of it. The misapprehension may have arisen from the fact that I felt it my duty to defend the estimates of appropriations that were made for the Army--a bill, too, which was reported to this House by the Committee of Ways and Means, and a bill with which the Committee on Military Affairs had nothing whatever to do. Feeling it to be my duty to defend a bill containing estimates for the Army which I deemed indispensable for the service, I did not hesitate to do so, while gentlemen who sat upon that side of the House assailed that bill with great fierceness, and with unfortunate success. I stated, what this House will very soon see is true, that a demand would be made this session of Congress for supplying the deficiencies of that service, which were caused by striking out some of the items in the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means. Very large deficiencies have arisen, and the House will be called upon to supply them.

I do not understand what the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. CLINGMAN] means, when he speaks of the supineness of the Military Committee preventing it from discharging its duties.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I believe, Mr. Speaker, that my remark was this: that the Committee on Military Affairs, whose business it was, and who claim it as their appropriate duty to look into the appropriations for these military fortifications, from supineness, or some other cause, (what it is the gentleman has not yet explained,) failed to make any movement in favor of retrenchment whatever during the whole two years.

Mr. BURT. Now, the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. CLINGMAN] is quite as unfortunate in his phraseology as before. And, sir, I am to be understood as speaking, not with reference to myself, but in justice to that committee. The Committee on Military Affairs of the first session of the last Congress-I believe at their very first meeting-with unanimity determined to retrench very materially the expenses of the organization of the Army. The gentleman from North Carolina will remember that a Whig Secretary of War was then at the head of the Department, as there is now. It was deemed a matter of courtesy to that gentleman, and of common decency to the committee and the country, that the Secretary of War should be called upon to aid the Committee on Military Affairs in their work of retrenchment. He was called upon, but the aid was never rendered. We all know, who were members of that Congress, and the whole country knows, that the deliberations of both Houses of Congress very soon

became engrossed by very exciting subjects. It was almost impossible to enforce upon the attention of either House of Congress any matter of ordinary legislation; and we were thwarted-I will

not say by the supineness of the Secretary of War, or by the negligence

Mr. CLINGMAN, (interrupting.) If the committee desired retrenchment, why did they not bring in a report to that effect?

Mr. BURT. The gentleman from North Carolina will see that any intelligent report to retrench such an immense establishment as the Army of the United States, or even the fortifications of the United States, which he has shown to be so very large; or the man who would strike with intelligence and discernment at that system, would require great labor and research. I say he cannot do it intelligently without the aid of the War Department. We may apply the knife, but we are just as apt to strike an artery as an unsound limb; and I would like to see, sir, from the disclosure the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. CLINGMAN] has made, how he, at the head of a select committee, would be able to dispatch so soon the Herculean labor proposed in the report of the Secretary of War. I have no doubt he can do it. I have no doubt of his industry and energy; and suppose the work would not be delayed by his supineness. I should like to see it; but, sir, if this subject is to be referred to a select committee, I ask of this House that the whole subject of the Army be referred to that committee. And I would like to see the gentleman from North Carolina

[Mr. CLINGMAN] at the head of that committee. I trust he is much better prepared for these mili tary duties than are the members of the Committee on Military Affairs, and that he will perform them with great discretion and intelligence, and that the country will be immensely benefited by the result of his labors. I shall be glad to hear of it.

Mr. CLINGMAN. It was my purpose, in the event of the approval by the House of a select committee, that it should be given to some military gentleman like my friend from Kentucky, [Mr. MARSHALL,] who has been in service. but a civilian. I did not wish to have the charge of it, because there were others here more competent than myself to discharge the duties.

I am

Mr. BURT. Mr. Speaker, I am sure that the gentleman would do it justice. I think it unfortunate that the gentleman from North Carolina did not suggest to you, when you were appointing the committees of this House, that there were gentlemen in the House who could perform these duties so admirably. I am sure the country would have been indebted to him for the suggestion which would conduce to such immense retrenchment. Now, upon the subject of retrenchment, it is needless to say how far I have gone. I fear I have sometimes gone too far. I can say, with a clean breast, that I have never supported anything which I considered an abuse; and I would be willing to compare notes upon that point of economy even with my friend from North Carolina--even with him. But, Mr. Speaker, it is not to be disguised-as I have had the honor to say upon this subject heretofore to-day-that there are numerous abuses in the Army, affording immense work for the knife of retrenchment; and I would like to see that instrument used, even by the skillful hand of my friend from Kentucky, or any other gentleman who would wield it wisely and effectively. I have tried to reach it. I would have done it, had I got the aid necessary to success at the first session of the last Congress. Every one knows that nothing could be done at the last session of Congress, as it was too short. No system could be matured. I have, in the Committee on Military Affairs, day after day, opposed applications for new fortifications. I have complained of the corps of engineers--one of the most admirable corps, however, in the world. I have complained that they have not made their recommendations for new fortifications with a proper discernment. I have, upon that ground, opposed many applications for new fortifications, that they were intended for the purpose of mere local expenditure, without regard to the great interests of the country.

I have endeavored to conceive some plan-for we can have no system of fortifications in the United States upon our immense sea-coast-by which the most important points of our coast would be defended. No man who has looked at the extent of our coast can suppose that every desirable point upon it may be defended by fortifications. It is impossible. And while I am utterly uninformed of the suggestions of the report upon your table, I confess, sir, I have great curiosity to hear them. I hope the Secretary of War may have suggested something that will enable us to improve entirely our plan of fortifying our coast. We can have no connected system of fortifications, such as prevails in many countries of Europe. In my opinion they are unnecessary here. know that very many of these fortifications have been sought as the mere means of expending money in certain localities of our country. I hope all such abuses, as I conceive these to be, will be cut off by this report of the Secretary of War; and what the report is, I repeat, I am wholly uninformed. Of course, Mr. Speaker, the House will do me the justice to understand that I have no desire to increase my own labors, or those of the committee of which I am a member; but, sir, you know, as does every old member of Congress well understand, that a subject is not referred to a select committee unless there be some special reason for it, such as the idea that the measure will not receive a candid and just consideration from the standing committee of the House; and if this House are of the opinion that the Committee on Military Affairs, which has been so recently appointed, will not bestow such consideration upon this report, I beg them to refer it to such committee as will. If there be no such imagination upon the part of this House, I repeat that I cannot see

why the proper, the legitimate, the fitting duties of that committee should be delegated to a select committee of the House.

Mr. BOCOCK. As my friend from Illinois [Mr. RICHARDSON] is not in, I rise to renew his call for the previous question.

Mr. MARSHALL, of Kentucky. Will the gentleman allow me for a moment

Mr. BOCOCK. The gentleman, I believe, has already addressed the House upon this subject; and with all courtesy and respect to him, I decline to withdraw my call for the previous question.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I will say to my friend from Virginia, that the gentlemen from Kentucky [Mr. MARSHALL] was about to withdraw his motion for a reference to a select committee.

Mr. BOCOCK. I withdraw the motion. Mr. MARSHALL. I only intend to say, Mr. Speaker, that my motion to refer this subject to a select committee, was done as an act of courtesy to my friend from North Carolina, [Mr. CLINGMAN, who intimated his wish to institute this inquiry, and that it was not done by way of relieving the Military Committee of what seemed to be a legitimate part of their duty; and certainly not with a view of disparaging the ability with which the chairman of that committee has always discharged his duties.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I beg leave to say, Mr. Speaker, that I mentioned to the chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, my design of making this motion, and communicated to him the reasons that governed me. I prefer that it should be withdrawn. He understood that I was to make it, and knew my object in doing so.

Mr. BURT. I beg to inform the gentleman from North Carolina, in his absence this morning I felt it my duty to state to the House that he had intimated to me his purpose of moving for a select committee.

Mr. MARSHALL. Mr. Speaker, I do not feel desirous of prolonging this discussion. I certainly never dreamed that in making the motion for the raising of a select committee, it would be the intention of the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. CLINGMAN] to shift the responsibility upon my shoulders. I certainly did not propose to trespass in the slightest degree upon the management of the Committee on Military Affairs by the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. BURT.] I will take this occasion to observe, in reply to the remarks of the gentleman from South Carolina, touching the deficiency bill, which he promised to this House-which he has spoken of as being the consequence of our failure to carry out the estimates as they came from the Department-that whenever the House of Representatives of this country, after denying to the Executive Department appropriations they have asked from us, are found consenting to meet those appropriations when expended, in the shape of a deficiency bill, it will be time for the representatives of the people to surrender their powers here, and the sooner they go back to the bosom of the people the better. I take this occasion to say, that for not a dollar of such deficiencies will I ever vote, and I do hope that the House of Representatives will never be found ready or willing to vote a dollar. We applied the knife to the Quartermaster's department. It may be we struck in the dark; but whenever the Quartermaster's department, or any other department, undertakes, in the absence of Congress, after appropriations have been refused, to make such expenditures, and come here expecting them in the shape of deficiency bills, then will be the time to assert our privileges as the representatives of the people, and the guardians of their Treasury. I withdraw my motion.

The report was then referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed.

OTHER SUBJECTS.

[A message was received from the Senate informing the House that that body had elected the Rev. Mr. BUTLER as their Chaplain.]

The SPEAKER laid before the House a communication from the Department of the Interior, transmitting the report of the Commissioner of Pensions, in obedience to the requirements of the act of July 10, 1832, comprehending lists of the names of the invalids, widows, and orphans, now on the naval pension roll of the United States; which was ordered to lie on the table and be printed.

Also, laid before the House the report of the Clerk of the House of Representatives, showing the expenditures out of the contingent fund, and for stationery, for the year ending 1st December, || 1851; which was ordered to lie on the table and be printed.

Also, laid before the House a communication transmitting the acts of the Greek House of Representatives, for the sessions of 1848 and 1849, presented by that body to the House of Representatives of the United States; which were referred to the Committee on the Library.

On motion by Mr. MOLONY, leave was granted to withdraw from the files, for the purpose of reference to one of the executive departments, the petition and papers of Mary Stanton, the widow of Eldridge Stanton.

On motion by Mr. BISSELL, it was

Ordered, That the papers in the claims of Antoine Peltier and Nicholas La Chance be taken from we files of the

House, and referred to the Committee of Claims.

On motion by Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, it was Ordered, That when the House adjourns it be till Monday

next.

PROPOSED BOUNTY.

Mr. AIKEN asked the unanimous consent of the House to introduce a resolution; which was read for information as follows, viz:

Resolved, That the Committee on Public Lands be instructed to inquire into the justice and propriety of allowing

bounty land to the Washington Light Infantry, Washington Volunteers, German Fusiliers, and Hamburg Volunteers, of South Carolina, who were engaged in the Florida war, and were discharged before the expiration of one month from the commencement of their term of service; and that the accompanying papers be and are hereby referred to said

committee.

Mr. KING, of New York, objected; and the resolution was not received.

THE TREASURY ESTIMATES-THE DELAY IN PRINTING.

Mr. HOUSTON. Mr. Speaker, 1 desire to submit a matter to the consideration of the House, and I will only occupy a few moments time in doing so. It is known that the estimates from the Treasury Department are required by law to be laid upon our tables at the meeting of Congress. Two weeks of the session have now elapsed, and those estimates are not to be had. I do not undertake to say, Mr. Speaker, where the fault is; but it is very evident that there is a serious obstruction to the dispatch of the public business of the country, which will require the action of this House in some shape or other. I had intended on to-morrow-not supposing the House would adjourn over until Monday-to move a resolution upon that subject. I desire now merely to bring the subject to the attention of the House. On Monday I shall move some resolution, by which we will be enabled to get at the difficulty, and have it removed, if possible.

Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, I wish to say to the House, that the estimates required by law have been in the hands of the public printer of this House, who holds the public printing by contract under law, for some time.

Mr. HOUSTON. How long?

Mr. BROOKS. I cannot state the exact time, but for some considerable time. The Secretary of the Treasury has complied thoroughly with the requisitions of the law, and whatever the fault, or wherever it may be, it certainly is not on his hands. Nor is it the fault of his department. I do not understand the gentleman from Alabama as making any insinuation that the Secretary of the Treasury has violated the law. The estimates, I understand, have to come here printed, and be laid upon the tables of members; and as the Secretary of the Treasury was not the printer, it was not in his power to do more than to lay the estimates before the public printer. And if he has not complied with the requisitions of his contract, the fault is on his hands, and not those of the Secretary.

Mr. HOUSTON. I did not intend to convey an insinuation against the Secretary of the Treasury; for I could not know, except it might be privately, where the fault was. In the discharge of my official duties here, acting in the capacity in which I am, it is proper for me to bring this subject before the House. If it be not the fault of the Secretary of the Treasury—and I do not pretend to say it is-it is equally a matter that addresses itself to the sound discretion of the House, for its prompt action at some early day. I have ac

complished, Mr. Speaker, all-I intended to do today. On motion by Mr. HALL, the House adjourned.

NOTICES. Of bills.

By Mr. HALL: A bill to organize Nebraska Territory. By Mr. DAVIS, of Indiana: A bill ceding to the State of Indiana all the public lands within said State.

By Mr. STANTON, of Kentucky: A bill to abolish the office of Commissioner of Public Buildings.

By Mr. MALONY: A bill for the relief of Oris Crosby, of the State of New York.

By Mr. MASON: A bill to provide for the repair and inprovement of the dam at the head of Cumberland Island in the Ohio river.

By Mr. CLARK: A bill to grant land to aid in the construction of the military road from Burlington to Fort Des Moines, in the State of Iowa.

Also, a bill making an appropriation for the construction of a military road from the Mississippi river to Fort Dodge, on the Des Moines river.

Mr. HASCALL gave notice of his intention to introduce the following bills:

A bili to be entitled "An act concerning invalid pensioners."

A bill to be entitled "An act authorizing the narraes of certain widows of revolutionary officers and soldiers to be placed on the pension list."

Mr. BENNETT gave notice of a motion for leave to in troduce the following bills:

A bill to equalize the grants of lands to the several States. A bill to establish an Agricultural Bureau, and to promote the interests of agriculture.

PETITIONS, &c.

The following petitions, memorials, &c., were presented under the rule, and referred to the appropriate committees. By Mr. MILLSON: The petition of Messrs. Ferguson & Milhado, praying that their bond given for duties may be cancelled.

Also, the petition of Messrs. Williams, Staples & Wiliams, for the same object.

Also, the petition of the heirs of Willis Riddick, asking compensation for losses sustained in the revolutionary war. Also, the petition of John G. Wilkinson, praying compensation for his services as Navy pension agent.

By Mr. HIBBARD: The memorial of J. E. Martin, late acting Consul at Lisbon, praying for compensation for diplomatic services.

By Mr. CABELL of Florida: The petition of Giles W. Ellis, Augustus Steele, and James P. Roan.

By Mr. HALL: The petition of Thomas Ellis, of Platte county, Missouri, praying for a pension.

By Mr. APPLETON of Massachusetts: The petition of Robert B. Storer, President of the Boston Marine Society, and others, that the money now in the United States Treas ury, unclaimed by deceased seamen, as prize money in public and private vessels, and from contributions made by all seamen of twenty cents per month, be applied to the further relief of disabled seamen,

By Mr. GOODENOW: The petition and memorial of Charles Foster, by Stewart Foster, his administrator, for a claim to indemnity against Mexico.

By Mr. HAMILTON: The petition of John Hanigan, praying that a pension may be allowed him for injuries received in the war of 1812.

Also, the petition of John W. Robinson, praying that x pension may be allowed him for injuries received in the war

of 1812.

By Mr. MOORE, of Pennsylvania: The resolution of the grand inquest of the eastern district of Pennsylvania, rePhiladelphia. lating to the deficiency of post-office accommodations in

Also, the memorial of the officers of the Navy, relative to an equality of rank, &c.

By Mr. JOHN W. HOWE: The petition of Hugh Smith and 25 others, citizens of Crawford county, Pennsilvania, praying Congress to establish a post route from Smith's Mills, on Little Sugar Creek, via Cochranton,to Whitman's, the Susquehanna and Waterford turnpike, in said

on county.

By Mr. CHANDLER: The memorial of David D. Porter, a lieutenant in the United States Navy, praying for similar allowance as was granted to John Hogan, as diplomatie agent to the Island of St. Domingo.

Also, the petition of L. R. Peal, asking for compensation for valuable articles lost by shipwreck white on the Expior ing Expedition, and also for arrears of pay.

By Mr. HEBARD: The petition of Sarah Smith, widow of Alba C. Smith, a private in the Mexican war, for pension.

By Mr. McNAIR: The petition of sundry citizens Delaware county, Pennsylvania, relative to a modificatio of the bounty land act of 28th September, 1850.

IN SENATE.

FRIDAY, December 12, 1851.

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. C. M. BUTLER, PETITIONS.

Mr. FISH presented the petition of Lydia An Mills, widow of John Mills, deceased, late a bos swain in the Navy of the United States, prayin to be allowed a pension; which was referred the Committee on Naval Affairs.

Mr. SHIELDS presented the petition of Jace Cooper, praying to be allowed the seven year half-pay due his father as lieutenant in Army of the Revolution; which was referred the Committee on Revolutionary Claims.

320 CONGRESS, 1ST SESSION.

Mr. GWIN presented a memorial of citizens of Washington, in the District of Columbia, praying the establishment of a Lunatic Asylum in that pace; which was referred to the Committee for e District of Columbia.

Mr. DODGE, of Iowa, presented the petition of John Jackson, Joseph Pineau, and Louis A. S. Saith, citizens of Port-au-Prince, Hayti, praying payment of their traveling expenses in attending witnesses for the United States in a criminal prosecution in the United States circuit court at Baston, in the year 1849; which was referred to Committee on the Judiciary.

PAPERS WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED.
On motion by Mr. BORLAND, it was

Ordered, That the petition of Lewis Morris, on the files the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

On motion by Mr. FELCH, it was

Ordered. That the documents on the files of the Senate, rinting to the claim of Jonathan Kersley, and the petition of John Biddle, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

On motion by Mr. UNDERWOOD, it was Ordered, That the memorial of citizens of Washington, on the files of the Senate, relating to the improvement of Pennsylvania avenue west of Fifteenth street, and an increase of the Auxiliary Guard of Washington, be referred the Committee for the District of Columbia.

On motion by Mr. WADE, it was Ordered, That Eli Hobbs have leave to withdraw his petition and papers,

NOTICES OF BILLS.

Mr. BORLAND gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill to grant to the State of Arkansas the hot springs in that State, and the four sections of land reserved from sale by the act of 1832.

Mr. BRIGHT gave notice of his intention to ask leave to bring in a bill relating to the improvement of the Ohio river as well above as below the Falls.

BILLS INTRODuced.

Mr. MILLER, agreeably to previous notice, aaked and obtained leave to bring in a bill giving further remedies to patentees; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. HALE, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill increasing the salary of the district judge of the United States for the district of New Hampshire; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary;

Mr. UNDERWOOD, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill so provide for the unpaid claims of the officers and soldiers of the Virginia State and Continental lines of the revolutionary army; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

Also, a bill for the relief of Theodore Offutt; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred, with the papers on file, to the Com

mittee of Claims.

Mr. DODGE, of Iowa, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill to relinquish to the State of Iowa the lands reserved for salt springs therein; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. BRIGHT, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a joint resolation, repealing the joint resolution approved March 3, 1845, directing the Secretary of the Treasary, whenever any State shall have been, or may be, in default for the payment of interest or principal on investment in its stocks or bonds, held by the United States in trust, to retain certain Loneys to which such State is entitled; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Finance.

REPORTS OF standing COMMITTEES. Mr. FELCH, from the Committee on Public Lands, to whom was referred the petition of Sidney S. Alcott, submitted a report, accompanied tva bill for his relief.

The bill was read, and passed to a second reading; and the report was ordered to be printed.

The following resolution, submitted by Mr. UNDERWOOD, on the 11th instant, was taken up for consideration and adopted:

Resolved, That the Committee for the District of Columbia be, and they are hereby, instructed to inquire into the expediency, and probable cost, of straightening, grading, and paving Pennsylvania avenue from Seventeenth street west to Georgetown; the erection of a permanent bridge across Rock Creek, from the termination of Pennsylvania avenue, to intersect with Georgetown; the building of a sewer of suitable dimensions for draining Pennsylvania avenue from Seventeenth to Twentieth streets west; the extension of gas lights along the line of Pennsylvania avenue from Seventeenth street west to Georgetown; an increase

of the Auxiliary Guard, under a new system of organization, sufficient to make them an efficient body; of supplying the city with pure water from the Great Falls of the Potomac; and the extension of a line of gas lights from the bridge aforesaid to High street in Georgetown, and thence along said street to its western termination.

The following resolution, submitted by Mr. SHIELDS, was taken up for consideration:

Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed by the Chair to wait upon Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, and introduce him to the Senate.

Mr. SHIELDS moved to lay it on the table. The motion was agreed to.

BOUNTY LAND WARRANTS.

A bill from the House of Representatives, enacting that the act passed 28th September, 1850, granting bounty land warrants to officers, musicians, and privates, of the American Army since the year 1790, be so construed as to authorize the transfer of said warrants, was read a first and second time

by unanimous consent, and referred to the Com

mittee on Public Lands.

Mr. WALKER offered an amendment, which was received informally.

STEAMSHIP PROMETHEUS.

.NEW SERIES.....No 6.

any territorial jurisdiction as defined by the laws of nations, or upon the high seas, beyond its reach. In either event it was no less insulting than it was indefensible. If within the jurisdistion of the Indian chief, called the Mosquito King, England, before she approves the act, must disavow her own treaty obligations, because she has stipulated with us that she will not assume or exercise dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any part of Central America. If the seizure was made upon the high seas, it involves considerations of the gravest character, affecting alike our honor and our interest.

When reports of such flagrant violations of our rights reach us, we cannot act with too much promptitude. Let us show to the nations of the earth, that the American Congress watches with jealous solicitude the conduct of other Powers towards our vessels, as well upon the broad ocean, as in the most secluded place to which the energy and enterprise of our citizens may conduct them. While England, in her dreams of universal maritime sovereignty, aspires to exercise a surveillance over all the navigable waters that surround the globe, it is our duty to exercise a surveillance over our own flag, and to guard it with the utmost power of the country from the desecration of foreign violence, so that wherever it floats, it may announce, that it is the ensign of a jealous Republic, ever ready to protect all the rights of its citizens within the law of nations, and where protection fails, to avenge them.

Mr. President, much of the infancy of our Government was passed in arguing the question of our maritime rights against the most outrageous claims ever urged by cupidity and ambition, as was yesterday stated by the honorable Senator from New Jersey [Mr. STOCKTON] in language equally eloquent and true. I trust its maturity will be passed in a very different manner-in defending and enforcing them, when necessary, not with the pen, but with the iron hand. The argument was long since exhausted, under the administrations of Washington and Jefferson and Madison; or rather, the true principles were stated with great force and knowledge; for argument against these positions there was none. Those statesmen maintained the doctrine, that in time of peace no power on earth has the right to board and search an American vessel for any purpose whatand that in time of war a belligerent power has the right to board a neutral ship solely for the purpose of ascertaining her real national character, which, having ascertained, the cruiser must depart peaceably, without touching seamen or cargo. And this doctrine of the inviolability of our flag, should be a cardinal principle in our policy, to be adhered to with unyielding tenacity in all our vicissitudes, whether of prosperity or adversity. The soil of the Republic and the flag of the Republic should be equally sacred, and the violation of either equally avenged. And I trust, that in all time to come, the boarding and search of an American ship upon the great highway of nations, where the proceedings of the officer are approved

ever,

eration:

ties, as a belligerent right, merely to ascertain her national character, will be considered as an act of war, to be met by the whole power of the country, with an energy and unanimity as great as would an invading force crossing our boundary. I observe among the executive papers, laid before us, in relation to the Cuban expedition, that pretensions are advanced by the British and French Governments, which bring up this claim to search our vessels in a new form. The principle has assumed many phases, and is destined to assume many more, before its final abandonment. The last comes in the guise of a right to protect the Government of Cuba, and to exercise a preventive policy over the neighboring seas, by stopping and searching vessels bearing our flag, and navigated by our citizens. We are not told whether the engagement for this purpose between France and England is a temporary diplomatic arrangement, or whether it is a permanent guarantee, making part of a secret treaty. Be this as