ways run on time, the carriages are clean and comfortable, and the tunnels are so constructed that you ride through them with windows wide open without being deluged with cinders and foul gases." From this it will appear that our experience with French railways was uniformly pleasant. But the best thing about them is the country through which they pass. Doubtless parts of France may be uninteresting to look upon, but doubtless we did not find them in our wanderings.

Loches, like Gaul, is divided into three parts: a church dating from the tenth century, with several unusual architectural features; the château itself, built by Charles VII and Louis XII, containing the beautiful tomb of the fair Agnes Sorel, with its inscription, more pleasing perhaps to the lover of romance than to the puritan, "a sweet and simple dove, whiter than the swans, more rosy than the flame," and the oratory of Anne de Bretagne, a little apartment glorified by

some wonderful carving, which is happily unspoiled by restoration; and three or four ruined towers, in the depths of which remain the terrible dungeons where Louis XI vented his spite on luckless foes, when he got hold of them, and luckless friends, when he wearied of them or began to suspect them. The dungeons, unlike many to be found in other medieval castles, have every appearance of reality. In a square cell a hundred feet below ground the walls, half-revealed by the flickering lantern of the guide, are covered with reminiscences of the sojourn there of Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan, called Il Moro. A little square, carved in the rock, marks the only spot reached by the daylight, struggling through the minute slit in the fourteen-foot wall. Rude frescos, among which appears twice a portrait, in heroic size, of a man in a helmet, give a hint of how the prisoner in exile passed his time. That the portraits represent attempts at the delineation of his

"IN THIS COUNCIL HALL . . .

own countenance is a tradition, if not true, at least ben trovato. The Cell of the Bishops, still deeper in the earth, has in its wall a rough carving of an altar and a cross. The deep holes beneath the window slit, worn by the captives in their struggles to gain a precarious foothold for one glimpse of the day, are a vivid reminder of the most awful aspect of this subterranean imprisonment. The gruesomeness of the dungeons is relieved only by the matter-of-fact manner of the guide and the business-like way

Our last day in Tours and in Touraine was spent in getting Gray Brother ready for his long journey home, and in a brief visit to the Cathedral. Then we turned our faces toward Brittany for a voyage with another Gray Brother, if we could find one, though of a less docile and less comely race.

HE public is accustomed to regard the technicalities of the law as the peculiar weapon of corporation attorneys. That Herbert S. Hadley, the young Attorney-General of Missouri, has employed them on behalf of the people has made him the presumptive nominee of his party for the Governorship of his State.

This quality of his service, which merely means good ability exercised under the antiquated legal procedure of the United States, has appeared most conspicuously in his fight with the railways crossing Missouri. For many years these corporations dominated the politics of the State. No measure which they opposed could become a law. They maintained a highly efficient lobby at Jefferson City, to which most of the other important corporations of the State were forced to contribute. Recalcitrant interests were brought into line by the simple expedient of the sand-bagging bill.

Meanwhile farmers and other shippers complained of excessive freight rates. There was an elective board of Railway Commissioners, with authority to correct abuses. But elective boards-undemocratic devices of ostensible friends of democracy rarely make trouble for big interests that are active in politics. Nothing was done.

Then came the reform wave in Missouri that carried into office Joseph W. Folk and a majority of honest legislators. Impatient at the inaction of the Railway Commissioners, the Legislature attempted hastily to regulate freight rates by law. Through a Federal court the railways enjoined its enforcement. As Attorney-General, Mr. Hadley fought for the people-his clients, as he is fond of calling them and fought hard. But the statute was still tied up in the courts two years later, when the next Legisla ture assembled. A new freight-rate law

which he drafted, based on the information procured in this legal contest, was made inoperative by injunction.

When a two-cent-fare bill came up, the Attorney-General had a suggestion. He knew that in an Alabama toll-road case the United States Supreme Court had held that a Federal circuit court could not enjoin the enforcement of a State's criminal law. So he drafted a section making a violation of the passenger-rate law a misdemeanor. By this device he hoped to have it adjudged a criminal

statute.

But the railway attorneys felt confident that the plan would fail. When the day came for the law to take effect, they assembled in Kansas City and invoked the protection of the United States Circuit Court against confiscation of property. The Attorney-General was on hand with figures from the railways' own reports to show that most of them already were hauling passengers-including those riding free-for two cents a mile or less.

Moreover, he had embarrassing evidence from the old freightrate case introduced by the railways to show that the cost of passenger business was proportionately small and that most of the expense came from transporting freight. But the eminent attorneys opposed to him confidently appealed for the guaranty of the Fourteenth Amendment, and it was generally believed from the remarks of the judge that the temporary injunction would be granted. Then Mr. Hadley arose.

"Your Honor," he said, "if the railroads in the Federal court enjoin the enforcement of a criminal law of Missouri, I shall go into the Supreme Court of this State with quo warranto proceedings to ask by what right they transact business here and refuse to obey the State's criminal laws. And on that question the circuit courts of the United States have no jurisdiction to stop me."

The effect on the opposing attorneys was almost ludicrous. They had been

lolling back at ease. At the words " quo warranto" they woke up with a violent start. One who had been gazing abstractedly through a window almost leaped from his seat. The others jumped bolt upright, one with his jaw dropped. Later they admitted privately that they knew Hadley could make good his threat and that he had the nerve to do it.

An adjournment was taken over Sunday. Monday morning they spent in a perspiring conference with the AttorneyGeneral.

"You can go ahead with your interState commerce," he told them, “but if you refuse to give this law a fair trial you will run your trains through Missouri with locked doors. A militia guard will see to that detail if necessary. if you attempt to do business within the State at three cents a mile, your local officers will be arrested in every county your roads run through."

And

Tactics analogous to these had often been used by the gentlemen with whom he was dealing. But they were not accustomed to such resourcefulness on the part of the lawyers of the people. For a time they struggled with the Attorney-General. Then they yielded. Would he compromise? Certainly he would if they would agree to give the law a fair trial. He had no desire to confiscate property, but he believed they would find that a two-cent rate allowed fair compensation. A three months' trial he thought would convince them.

When court convened that afternoon, the spokesman for the railway attorneys assured the judge that while they regarded the proposed rate as confis-, catory, nevertheless they were publicspirited enough to sacrifice their feelings and their clients' property in order to establish the fact beyond doubt. Therefore they suggested that the court give the law a trial for ninety days. So the order was made. At the expiration of the three months the railways continued to sell tickets through Missouri at two cents a mile. Should the rate be made permanent, the State would have the fertility and courage of its Attorney-General to thank.

Mr. Hadley was both nominated and lected Attorney-General by accident.

was

Born in Kansas in 1872, he graduated from the State University and from the law school of Northwestern University. University. He began to practice law in Kansas City, and went into politics because, as he once explained, he "thought that the quickest way for a young lawyer to gain a practice." fortunate split in the Democratic party in the county elected him prosecuting attorney on the Republican ticket. record was good, but on a return to normal conditions he was defeated for re-election, and then, as he expressed it, he decided to make himself immune from any danger of further office-seeking by becoming an attorney for the street railway company.

His

At the Republican State Convention in 1904 the supposedly empty honor of the nomination for the Attorney-Generalship was not eagerly sought by prominent lawyers. A Kansas City delegate, under instructions from his chairman to get up and "nominate somebody," began one of the customary "man-who" speeches, with nobody particularly in mind. At the close he decided, as he told afterwards, that Hadley fitted his description better than some others. So he named him. The modest salary of the office was less than the young lawyer was drawing from the street railway, and he had a family to support. But his friends persuaded him, against his will, to make the race, as it would mean only a brief interruption of his work for the canvass. To the astonishment of the Missouri candidates, however, the popularity of President Roosevelt carried through the Republican State ticket, with the exception of the nominee for Governor, whom Mr. Folk defeated.

Though he had fought Mr. Folk vigorously throughout the canvass as the head of the rival ticket, Mr. Hadley at once gave the Governor hearty co-operation in his work for better government. When Republicans in the Legislature were disposed for party reasons to fight salutary measures introduced at the instance of the Democratic Executive, it was the Attorney-General who induced them to take a larger view. This independent attitude, stamping him as belonging to the new school of politics,