Mr. RUSK, from the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, reported a joint resolution authorizing the appointment of an Assistant Post-Department, placed them both to the lowest nummaster General; which was read and passed to the second reading.

orable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. UNDERWOOD] would have been introduced to embarrass the progress of my bill. If that proposition had not been introduced, it would have passed long ago; and I hope it will now pass as soon as Thursday. I desire to say, that day after to-morrow, I shall endeavor to induce the Senate to sit out the bill, or sit until Friday morning at all events, till the private bills come up.

Mr. CHASE. I am disposed to vote for taking up these resolutions in relation to intervention at this time, but I really hope that this will be the last time they will be allowed to interfere with the regular order of business. I am exceedingly anxious that the bill granting land to the State of Iowa shall be pressed to a speedy decision, and that then we may take up the bill relating to the navyyard in California, which is next in order of business. I have a bill of much importance to the State which I have the honor to represent, which stands second on the Calendar, and has stood there from the commencement of the session, but has been delayed because we have taken up a bill on one day, and discussed it for a little time, and on another day another bill or resolution, and have discussed that awhile, and thus have debated almost everything in the world without finishing anything. I hope that mode of doing business will no longer be persisted in.

Mr. BRADBURY. I have been desirous for some time to get the Senate to consider a bill of practical importance, and I regret very much to hear the honorable Senator from Iowa say that, although he consents to-day to the interruption of the discussion on the Iowa land bill, he will not hereafter do so. I hope we are not to understand that consent is to be given to the interruption of the discussion upon that bill only for the purpose of discussing subjects of no practical importance whatever, while subjects of great importance, which demand the consideration of the Senate, are not to receive its attention. I hope we might take up and get a vote on the bill making indem nity to those who have suffered from French spoliation. I have no feeling of particular anxiety with reference to that bill, except that it has been intrusted to my charge as chairman of the committee. I desire to have a vote upon it, and should have insisted on having it taken up yesterday; but for the request of the honorable Senator from Michigan, [Mr. FELCH,] who was unable to leave his room, that it might be suspended. I hope he will be in his seat to-morrow; and if so, I shall ask to have that bill taken up. I do not wish, however, to consume any time myself in debating it.

Mr. JONES, of Iowa. I desire to correct my friend from Maine in relation to one remark he has just made. I have never eonsented to give up the discussion of my bill for any other subject. At the time that my friend from Rhode Island made his appeal to me on behalf of the Senator from New Jersey some ten days ago, I did not then consent, but was overpowered by my friends, who came and suggested that it would be good policy to give way, and permit the Senator from New Jersey to proceed; that there was the hope that if the Senator from New Jersey was permitted to go on, I should probably gain a vote for my bill. [A laugh.]

Mr. GWIN. I am very glad to hear it. [Laughter.]

Mr. ATCHISON. I think I can explain this matter of "policy" to the satisfaction of the Senator from California. California is in the category with my State, inasmuch as it has within it public lands, and the Senator agrees with us. That explains the matter of policy. We have nothing to ask from him-nothing to expect from him. He will be obliged to vote for the bill any way. [Laughter.]

ceed, but I hope this will be the last time such a course will be taken, and that, hereafter, we shall take up the bill giving land to Iowa, and then those that come after it in their regular order on the Calendar. If there is any bill which will not lead to debate, there will be no objection to its being taken up; but what I mean is, that I will not consent to take up a bill out of its order which will lead to debate, and thus disturb the action of the Senate.

The question was then taken on the motion to postpone the prior orders, and it was agreed to. Mr. SEWARD asked that his amendment be read.

Mr. MANGUM asked for the reading of the

Mr. SEWARD then spoke at length in favor of his amendment. His speech will be found in the Appendix.

Mr. SEWARD having concluded

Mr. RUSK. I dislike to waste the time of the Senate, but I would much like to know when we are to have a vote upon this bill. When I first took my seat in this body, I found a practice existing which I think it would be well to revive-original resolution and all the amendments, and one depending upon the courtesy of the Senate, they were read accordingly. and I never knew an appeal made to the Senate in that respect in vain. The practice to which I allude was this: When a bill of this description was brought forward, and was debated at length, and when a majority of Senators seemed to think that as much time as was necessary in debating it had been consumed, it was customary to name some future day which should cover all the speeches which Senators were anxious to make, on which the Senate would agree, as a matter of courtesy, to take a vote on that bill. I trust, therefore, that something of this kind will be revived; and, as this is a good bill, I would suggest to the Senator from lowa to name some day next week when we could take a vote upon it.

Mr. BADGER. Why not say next Thursday?

Mr. RUSK. I have no objection to Thursday. The PRESIDENT. The question is on postponing the prior orders to take up the resolutions offered by the Senator from Rhode Island. The whole of this discussion is irrelevant to the motion.

Mr. CLARKE. I hope the Senate will agree to take up my resolutions. There is no disposition to interfere with the bill of the Senator from Iowa, or with that proposed by the Senator from California, [Mr. GWIN.] My object is simply to accommodate the Senator from New York, who is prepared to address the Senate upon these resolutions, and desires to be heard to day. It will be recollected by the Senate, that a week or ten days since when the floor was occupied by the Senator from New Jersey, [Mr. MILLER,] in discussing these resolutions, the Senator from New York [Mr. SEWARD] took the floor, and that this day was assigned to him for the purpose of their discussion. There has been an understanding in this Chamber since that time, that he would be heard to-day. I can say, for myself, that I have no desire, personally, to urge these resolutions upon the attention of the Senate to the detriment of other business, and I shall not, for myself, ask for their consideration again.

Mr. CASS. I think that, as a matter of courte-
sy and comity, it is due to the Senator from New
York, that he should be allowed to proceed with
his remarks which he has come prepared to make
to-day. I think there should be no objection.

Mr. BADGER. Nobody opposes it.
Mr. CASS. The time is occupied in offering
objections. If the Senator had been allowed to
proceed, he might have got half through by this
time.

have not yet been able to do it.

Mr. DOWNS. I have seen so much time occupied in discussions about taking up bills out of their order, that I see no other way to get along but to refuse hereafter in all cases to postpone the consideration of one bill for the purpose of taking up another. That is the only way we can get along with business. The Senator from Maine has referred to the bill in relation to French spoliations, and desires to have some action upon it.

Mr. GWIN. Then I am very sorry that the Senator from Iowa did not conceive it good policy Mr. GWIN. I am not opposing it; though no to give way to me; but I suppose his reason for such courtesy is extended to me. I came prenot doing so was, that I had but one vote on mypared to make my speech six or seven days, but side. It was undoubtedly good policy to give way to the Senators from New Jersey and New York, for he will there undoubtedly get two votes for my one. [A laugh.] Very good policy, Mr. President. Now, sir, here was a bill of great importance to my State. It was discussed by the Senator from Pennsylvania, [Mr. BRODHEAD,] and I had in part replied, and gave way on the understanding that my bill would come up on the following Monday. That is four weeks ago; and although I have made many efforts, I find II am in favor of that bill, and I give notice that cannot obtain the floor, because my bill involves a question of practical importance to the country. Now, I know that there are a dozen speeches yet to be made on the subject of this Iowa bill. The Senator from New York is about to speak to-day on these non-intervention resolutions, and then he will probably occupy the Senate to-morrow with another speech, on the land bill.

Mr. SEWARD. No, sir.

when it comes up, I shall oppose any motion to
postpone it so as to make it give way to any other
bill. I trust, therefore, that when any such prop-
ositions are made in future, I shall not be consid-
ered as being illiberal if I oppose them all,
especially these abstract questions.

and

I am perfectly tired of this manner of proceeding. I do not object to-day because it is understood that the Senator from New York is to pro

Mr. JONES, of Tennessee said: Mr. President, in continuing the discussion of this question, I desire to conform, as far as I may, to what seems to be the wish of the Senate. I do not desire to trespass long upon the patience of the Senate at any time. I believe it will be accorded to me by all, that I have not done so thus far. I feel, however, an inclination to express to the Senate what I believe to be the feelings and the opinions of those whom I, in part, represent, touching this important subject. And all I ask of the Senate is, that they will give to me such an expression of their wishes as to the time they would desire, or be willing to hear me, in order that I may conform my conduct to their wishes. I have no particular choice as to the time. I should prefer, however, to go on at as early a day as might be consistent with the interests and wishes of other Senators. I beg gentlemen who have questions of interest before the Senate, to declare their views as to the time. I believe the honorable Senator from Iowa [Mr. JONES] feels a deep concern for a measure that is to be before the Senate for consideration to-morrow. I therefore cannot ask or expect that his measure shall be superseded for my convenience. Other Senators have expressed a similar wish. I am willing to agree to any day, provided it is an early day. And I believe that one of the distinguished Senators from Louisiana [Mr. SOULE] desires to be heard on this question, and would prefer to speak at an early day next week. If Senators are willing, I would fix some early day next week-say Monday or Tuesday.

Mr. JONES, of Iowa. Say Wednesday week. Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. The Senator from Iowa suggests to-morrow week. I am willing to accede to that.

Mr. JONES, of Iowa. I have consulted with my friends, who are anxious for this bill to pass, and so far as I can ascertain on the other side of the House, I believe I may safely say that we will certainly take a vote upon it on Tuesday. Mr. SOULE. On Tuesday next?

Mr. JONES. On Tuesday next. Indeed, I hope it will be taken before that time, but I think it will certainly not be delayed beyond Tuesday

next.

Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I understand that the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. SOULE] would prefer an early day next week-say Tuesdayand, if agreeable to the Senate, I would fix Monday as the day, in order that the Senator from Louisiana may have an opportunity of addressing the Senate on Tuesday.

Mr. SOULE. If the Senator from Iowa [Mr. JONES] should be of opinion that the vote cannot be taken upon the bill, in which he feels some peculiar interest, before Tuesday, perhaps it were better to postpone this question till Wednesday

next.

Mr. JONES, of Iowa. Yes, sir; if you please. Mr. SOULE. Otherwise it might interfere with the debate on the bill in regard to granting land to the State of Iowa, to aid in the building of a railroad. So far as I am concerned, it is a matter of indifference whether this question is postponed until Tuesday or Wednesday. I shall probably be able to take the floor immediately after the distinguished Senator from Tennessee.

The PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from
Tennessee move to postpone the further consid-
eration of the subject till Wednesday next?
Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I do, sir.

The question was then taken on the motion to postpone to Wednesday week, the 17th instant, and it was decided in the affirmative.

On motion by Mr. UNDERWOOD, the Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, March 9, 1852.

The House met at twelve o'clock, m. Prayer by the Rev. C. M. BUTLER.

The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.

The SPEAKER. The first business in order is the bill granting to the State of Alabama the right of way, and a donation of public land, to aid in the construction of a railroad from Selma, in

the State of Alabama, to the Tennessee river, at or near Gunter's Landing. The motion pending is to refer, and upon that question the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. COBB] is entitled to the floor.

PASSENGER VESSELS.

Mr. SEYMOUR, of New York. I would ask the gentleman from Alabama to yield for a moment, for the purpose of enabling me to get a bill from the Senate, în relation to the ventilation of passenger vessels, taken from the Speaker's table, and referred to the Committee on Commerce, so that speedy action may be had upon it.

There being no objection, Senate bill No. 250, entitled "An act to amend an act entitled 'An act to regulate the carriage of passengers in merchant ' vessels,' approved February 22, 1847; also to amend an act entitled 'An act to provide for the ventilation of passenger vessels,' approved May 17, 1848," was taken from the Speaker's table, read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Commerce.

GRANT OF LAND TO ALABAMA. The SPEAKER. The regular order of business is called for, and the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. COBB] has the floor.

Mr. McMULLIN. With the permission of the gentleman from Alabama, I desire to offer an amendment to the bill.

Mr. OLDS. All this, I suppose, comes out of the morning hour, and I am anxious to get on with the business.

The SPEAKER. It does.

Mr. COBB. When we had this measure under consideration a few days past, a proposition was made to go into Committee of the Whole. I notified the House then that I had nearly concluded my remarks upon this measure, and that it was probable, if they suspended the proceedings then, I might accumulate a new head of steam, and conclude thereafter to detain the House somewhat longer than I at first intended. A sense of propriety upon my part prompts me-though I may have considerable steam aboard-to reserve my remarks for some future occasion, and to say now only what I intended to have said then, and be as brief as I possibly can. Before I proceed, however, allow me to call the attention of the reporters to a little error-and I am surprised that they do not make more, from the clamor that not unfrequently surrounds them-an error by which they have made me say that the road I was advocating had been completed about two hundred

miles. I did not intend to say that. I intended
to say that the road was completed for a consider-
able distance, and was under contract for about one
hundred and sixty miles, leaving about forty-three
miles of the entire work yet to be placed under
contract-making two hundred and five miles as
the entire length of the road.

I was about concluding my remarks when this
question was up a few days since, by simply tra-
cing the line of this road; and I will content my-
self on this occasion with doing so, and as briefly
as I can.
and the Alabama waters, as I formerly said, by a
This road proposes to connect Mobile
railroad connecting the Alabama river at Selma
with Gunter's Landing, on the Tennessee river.
If gentlemen will take the trouble to examine the
map and see how these mighty waters wind them-
selves through fertile valleys to meet each other,
they will conclude with me that a junction should
be formed. I think the importance of the work,
in a national point of view, is one which should
commend itself to the consideration of every mem-
ber of the House. It strikes me that, upon a sur-
vey of the map of the country through which the
road is to pass, no gentleman will be found to deny
the great nationality of this work. And to the
members from Tennessee I would say, that if they
will examine the route of this proposed road, they
will see that it passes through an agricultural part
of the State. Let them follow it to Nashville,
thence to Louisville, thence through Ohio and In-
diana, thus connecting the Mobile waters with the
two great Lakes-Michigan and Erie. Is this a
work, then, of small moment? Is it not a work
which will be pronounced, by every one who gives
it a moment's attention, to be of great national im-
portance? The benefits that would result from
such a work to the citizens of those States would
be great, for this road, starting from Selma, in
Alabama, runs through a mineral region-runs
through a bed of marble not to be surpassed in
the Union--runs through a coal region which can-
not be surpassed in the Southern States--runs
through an iron region. I do not want to say this,
because I might scare some of my Pennsylvania
friends from the support of this bill. I desire not
to drive them from the support of the road. But,
sir, this road runs through a country that is rich
with mineral ore, with coal and iron ore lying
almost together. I want the Representatives of
the States to which I have alluded to call particu-
larly to mind the importance of this work to the
Eastern members, the Western members, and the
Southern members. I may have occasion to call
upon them to examine the merits of another work,
which I intend to submit to their particular and
special consideration. Now, sir, if this road is
to be completed, what, in a national point of view,
will be the benefits to our sea-board? Sir, you
daily hear something said in relation to the Army,
in relation to making appropriations for fortifica-
tions upon your sea-board. Give us this road, and
we ask no fortifications upon our sea-board. This
road will enable us to get down to the sea-board
almost in a moment with an army. Tennessee,
Kentucky, and Ohio can also send down troops to
defend our sea-board, if necessity should require.
Give us this road, and we want no standing army
in that country. In the sixth Congressional dis-
trict in Alabama we have a standing army-the
right kind of a army-and give us this road, and
it will be more efficient for defense than all the for-
tifications you can place upon the southern borders
of Alabama. I am satisfied that the honorable
gentlemen, through whose district this road runs,
have a sufficient force always ready to turn prompt-
ly out-as they ever have done, at the first sound
of danger to the rescue of their country. I will
not trespass upon the House, but I must express
my gratification at the indication which manifested
itself a few days ago-upon the coming up of a bill
for that purpose, though of a limited nature-of
disposition to exempt railroad iron from duty for
a period of years.
I say,
I was glad to witness,
a few days since, in this House, indications of a
returning sense of justice towards the railroads
projected and in progress; and I am induced to
change my opinion of this House. Prior to that, I
thought it was a hopeless case to ask for favorable
action upon this bill; but I have had some little
reflection upon it; and inasmuch as my constitu-
ents expect me to do everything that is proper to
forward this act to aid in the construction of that
road, I will move, at the proper time, to put the bill

a

upon its passage. I prefer that the bill should die here to-day, rather than it should be sent to a committee to slumber. My constituents hope for some relief. Kill the bill to-day, if you are going to kill it, and let us know what we can depend upon. If it is understood that I made a motion to refer this bill, I will withdraw that motion, and move to put the bill upon its passage.

The SPEAKER. I understand the gentleman made no motion to refer.

Mr. COBB. Then I move to put the bill upon its passage. I desire to vote upon it. Mr. WHITE, of Alabama, obtained the floor.

EXEMPTION OF RAILROAD IRON. Mr. CLINGMAN. If the gentleman will allow me, I desire to move an amendment to the bill. I do it to get the sense of the House upon the proposition contained in it, which is in order, as the bill is upon its engrossment.

The SPEAKER. It is upon its engrossment. There is already an amendment, in the shape of a substitute, pending.

Mr. WHITE yielded the floor to admit the amendment.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I move to insert the proposition I send to the table, as an additional section to the bill.

The amendment was then read, as follows:

That the iron for the construction of this and all other railroads in the United States, or the Territories thereof, may be imported free of all duty: Provided, nevertheless, That in all cases hereafter, whenever it is proposed to claim this exemption from duty in case of the importation of iron for such purposes, it shall be the duty of the person or persons importing the same to give bond in such manner av may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, condi

iro

tioned to show that within three years from the time of said importation, the said iron has been laid down for per manent use on some railroad; or in the event of failure to make it so appear, then the person or persons importing said iron to be required to pay double the rates of duty now re quired by law: Provided, further, That in the event of its being made to appear to the satisfaction of the Secretary o the Treasury, that the omission to lay down said rails has not occurred by reason of any fraudulent purpose to erade the payment of the prescribed rate of duty on such iron, that then it shall be his duty to give further and reasonable time for the bona fide application of said iron to the purposes of railroads.

SEC. Be it further enacted, That all duties now due on account of the importation of iron for railroads be, and the same are hereby remitted: Provided, however, That in all such cases, the importation shall be in the name and for the use of some legally incorporated railroad company, or for a State or Territory of the United States.

Mr. HALL. Is that amendment in order? Mr. CLINGMAN. I beg leave to state that the bill under consideration is one encouraging the building of railroads by making a donation of lands. Well, very clearly, anything relating to the general subject, or providing that that road may import its iron free of duty, is unquestionably germane to the subject.

The SPEAKER. The Chair understands the original bill to provide for a right of way and a grant of land to a railroad in Alabama. The gen tleman's proposition is to remit duties upon railroad iron. The Chair thinks the amendment is not in order.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I am sorry to differ with the Chair, but if you will give them a right of way and a grant of land, why not let them import their iron free of duty?

The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman take an appeal?

Mr. CLINGMAN. I will not take an appeal myself, but some of my friends desire it, and if any gentleman will take an appeal I will sustain it.

Mr. HOUSTON. If the gentleman does not appeal, I must object to the debate. We are consuming all the morning hour.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alsabama is entitled to the floor, but the gentleman from North Carolina has taken an appeal from the decision of the Chair.

Mr. CLINGMAN. I did not appeal myself, although I understood that some of my friends would.

Mr. ORR. I will take an appeal from the decision of the Chair. I think the Chair decided the other day, upon a bill granting lands to lowa for railroad purposes, that it was in order to make La

donation of lands to Kentuckyery true; but the Chair never yet has decided that the granting of lands and the remission of duties upon imported railroad iron, were kindred subjects.

Mr. HOUSTON. I ask the gentleman from South Carolina to let his appeal go over to some

PUBLISHED AT WASHINGTON, BY JOHN C. RIVES.-TERMS $3 FOR THIS SESSION.

political system; and unless provided against, they will prove the precursors of our common ruin. The sources of this danger are multiplying, and will, before many years, manifest themselves in new and still more formidable aspects.

The rapid increase of our population; the peopling of the Northwest, of California, of New Mexico, Utah, and of Texas, and the growth of the West, gratifying as they are in many respects, all present causes of intense anxiety to the considerate statesman and the true patriot. The seeds of discord are numerous and fearful; and, unless counteracted, will multiply and become more dangerous, till at length they will destroy the Republic.

Our Government is not destined to fall, as other Governments have fallen, beneath the blows of a conquering soldiery. From without, we need fear nothing. United we can defy the world in arms, and from within, the first attempt to coerce by arms any respectable portion of our Confederacy into submission to what they deemed an unjust and oppressive Government, would array the sentiment of the nation so strongly in favor of the disaffected party, that the Government would find itself powerless to force submission. Our Government lives and moves and has its being in the affections of the people, and when this is withdrawn, it will cease to exist. It will die as does the animate form when the breath of life has ceased to infuse itself into the system.

But how can these dangers be averted? I answer by pointing to the experience of the past, and to the present prosperous condition of our country. What has effected it ? What has cheapened travel and transportation? What has multiplied intercourse and increased trade? The steam engine. By its agency the trade of the great West has emptied its treasures upon the Gulf and the Atlantic, and received in return the merchandise of our great cities. The cotton of the South found a market in the North, and the trade of the North an outlet in the South. North and South, East and West, our people have mingled with each other, visiting by thousands and tens of thousands yearly the most remote sections of our country-each feeling impressed hourly with the great practical truth that the thousands of miles which he traverses is but the domain of our country, and that the millions whom he meets are brothers of the same great family. The native of the South or of the far West visits the place among the hills of New England where his fathers dwelt, and as he surveys each spot sacred in the tradition of his family, or lingers with melancholy pleasure around the tomb which protects their mortal remains, he feels that there is a tie which binds that spot to his far-distant home. He is not a stranger there. It was the country of his forefathers. It is his country; and he congratulates himself that when his course is run, that he and they shall rest beneath the soil of a common country, and, though separated by thousands of miles, that the same banner shall fling its protecting folds over him and them, and that banner shall be the stars and the stripes of his native land. Thus morally, socially, politically does intercourse operate upon the minds of our people, dispelling prejudice, expanding thought and affection, and making individual and collective mind to identify itself with and to grasp our whole country in its conceptions and aims.

The greater this intercourse the greater will be our homogeneousness as a nation, and the less that intercourse the greater will be the alienation of one section from another, and the more rapidly will be hastened that catastrophe which we have so much cause to apprehend, and against which we are called upon so imperiously to provide. As a Government we should provide against it, and as a Government we have the means of providing against it. That same Providence who has heretofore watched over our fortunes, and shielded us from past dangers, has furnished us with the means of providing against this; and those means are our public lands. With them we can build railroads through our whole country, which will bind us together, and preserve our institutions and form of Government for ages to come. I will not enter into a calculation to show that the General Government would be benefited in the matter of dollar and cents, by an increased value given to the lands reserved to the Government along the line of the roads, though I think it might be easily demonstrated. I will not undertake to prove that the

development of the trade and resources of one sec-
tion of the country is a benefit to all the rest, but
I place my appeal, in behalf of grants of public
lands, upon higher grounds the preservation of
our country and the perpetuity of the Republic.
There is no mode in which we can effect such
works, so free from constitutional objections, so
easy of performance, so certain of success, and
I may add, now so beneficial to the country in
effects outside of the grand object-the building of
the roads. The question for us to determine is
not, as some are disposed to regard it, whether we
shall give away so many millions of acres of land
for the benefit of the States where the lands lie,
but it is, whether we shall appropriate those lands
in such a manner as to avert from our Govern-
ment the most formidable dangers which threaten
it, and convert them into means of support and
defense; whether we shall hold on to our lands
until our title to them shall be swept from us by
the shock of internal convulsion, or the storm of
revolution; or whether we shall wisely apply them
in such a manner as to secure to ourselves, and
those who are to come after us, the blessings of
Peace, Liberty, and a written Constitution.

It is idle, it is worse, it is criminal in us to shut
out from our view the dangers which are ahead
of us.
It is folly to disregard the experience of
the past, or to overlook the natural operation of
causes of alienation which exist in our social and
political system. It is the part of wise men and
faithful public servants to thoroughly investigate,
and as near as may be, arrest or provide against
all events which threaten the public weal. Let us,
then, march up to the standard of our destiny,
and as patriots and American statesmen, without
regard to petty interests or sectional feeling, do
our duty to our whole country.

Mr. Chairman, the men of the present Con-
gress maintain a most responsible position to the
country, to the world, and to posterity. The
swelling magnitude of this nation demands en-
larged views and liberal legislation. We live in
an age of progress, and it depends upon us
whether that progress be sound, judicious, health-
ful, or whether it shall be wild, reckless, ruinous.
This progress will go on, we cannot arrest, but
we may divert it.
We are afloat upon the sea of
destiny, but our fate is in our own hands. A
wise policy leads us to unbounded prosperity and
unequaled glory; an unwise policy to bitter ca-
lamity and enduring shame. We cannot fit the
garments of a child to the limbs of a giant, nor
can we adapt a narrow, sectional, and selfish
policy to the condition and career of this great
and growing country. Then I make an appeal to
the House in behalf of the country, the whole
country, its present interest, and the interests of
those who are to come after us.

I do not ask this House to grant lands to
this road for the sake of benefiting the people
of Alabama alone. I place myself upon safer,
and more enduring grounds. I ask you to give
lands to the State of Alabama to secure a great
national good. I ask the indulgence of the House
for a few moments, while I call attention to the
present condition of this road, and to some of its
features in a national point of view. A glance at
the map of the United States presents a remark-
able continuation of valleys northeast and south-
west, reaching from the State of Pennsylvania to
the Gulf of Mexico. Along this line are no navi-
gable rivers and no natural facilities for steam
communication. Our great rivers all diverge either
to the east or to the west; but along these extended
and beautiful valleys nature points out to man the
locality for building artificial means of transport-
ation and travel, which shall excel even the capa-
cious Mississippi. From Portland, in Maine, to
Washington, the communication by railroads is
now complete. From this city, through Western
Virginia and East Tennessee, to Dalton, in Geor-
gia, (with the exception of the distance from Char-
lotte to Lynchburgin, Virginia-sixty-five miles,)
railroads are chartered, and are either complete or
under contract for the entire route. From Dalton
to the Alabama and Tennessee river railroad, a
distance of about ninety miles, there are several
practicable routes. The Alabama and Tennes-
see railroad, in length about two hundred and
ten miles, reaches from Selma, upon the Alabama
river, to Gunter's Landing, and fills up by far the
most formidable interval of roads from Maine to
Louisiana. By the Alabama river, Selma is con-

nected with Mobile and New Orleans, and thus by the building of this road, steam communication will be obtained over near six hundred and fifty miles of this great inland route from the northeastern to the southwestern extremity of the country. The importance of such a route as this, from Portland to New Orleans, will be admitted by every one. In war it would constitute our surest and readiest means of defense, and in peace the strongest ligament of our Union and nationality,

The company for building this road was organized a little more than two years since. The stock subsribed amounts to $1,180,000. The route has been surveyed. A part of the road is now finished, and by the first of August next sixty miles will have been completed. Eighty miles beyond this is under contract, and a large portion of it graded; and for the remainder, subscriptions have been had, and every effort is being made to complete the work. But the difficulties attending an undertaking of this kind among an agricultural people, are perhaps known only to those who have made the effort among such a people. We have the will to do all in our power for this great project, but if left to accomplish it by our unaided efforts, the work must be retarded for years. With the assistance provided in this bill, we can finish the road in a short time.

Then, since you, as well as ourselves, are to be the beneficiaries of the undertaking; since the whole country is to share in the good which will flow from it, I ask for this grant in the name of the people whom I represent, and in behalf of the people of the whole Union.

Mr. ORR demanded the previous question.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee, moved that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, for the purpose of taking up the special order.

CONTESTED ELECTION FROM NEW MEXICO.

Mr. PHELPS. I rise to a question of privilege. I hold in my hand the petition of A. W. Reyn olds, of New Mexico, contesting the right of RICHARD H. WEIGHTMAN to a seat on this floor, as Delegate from the Territory of New Mexico.

The petitioner charges that in the election which took place in the month of September last, under the Governor's proclamation, no sufficient notice was given of the time of holding said election, and that in some portions of the Territory no notice was given at all.

The petitioner charges, also, that corrupt influ ences were exerted by Governor Calhoun in that election, and that gross frauds were perpetrated: that the election laws governing the Territory were disregarded, and that votes were cast upon another day than the day upon which the election was to be held, according to the proclamation of the Gov

ernor.

The petitioner further charges, that in casting up the votes for the purpose of deciding who was entitled to the certificate of election, the Governor entirely disregarded the law governing the case.

I do not propose to express any opinion upon the allegations contained in this memorial, or as to the right of the honorable gentleman from New Mexico to his seat upon this floor, but I will move that the petition be referred to the Committee of Elections, and be printed; and upon that motion I propose merely to advert briefly to the course pursued by the Governor of the Territory in this elec tion. It must be recollected

Mr. MARSHALL, of Kentucky, (interrupt ing.) I rise to a question of order. A gentleman rising to a question of privilege cannot interpolate upon it a motion to print, and on that motion have a right to speak.

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The SPEAKER. It was competent for the gentleman from Missouri to present the petition, state briefly its contents, as he has done, and move that it be referred to the Committee of Elections and be printed. It is regularly before the House, and the Chair thinks that the question of printing is debatable.

Mr. MARSHALL. My proposition is, that a motion to print does not come within the range of privilege, and cannot, therefore, supersede the business before the House. The gentleman may make the motion to print, but it cannot take precedence of the bill which was pending when he interposed his question of privilege.

Mr. PHELPS. The subject-matter contained in the memorial is a proper subject of discussion. Mr. STANLY. I suggest to the gentleman