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The gentleman objects to police officers. Why, I see all through your village these men with stars on. When a murder has been committed, the Mayor of the city and the Chief of Police gather about them their officers, and they devise every means to discover the murderer. In these efforts to apprehend criminals they often practise deception. Now, here are a body of men guilty of treason, the highest crime, and who are trying to murder freedom in the person of the greatest nation that ever existed. They burned our Chambersburg; they fought us for three days at our Gettysburg. Yet the gentleman has no word in condemnation of these men; but he is horrified that a man in the service of the United States should tell a lie in order to detect conspiracies against the life of the nation. He may well assure you that he does not argue for the Confederacy, because if he did not so assure you, I am quite confident that every one of you would hold him guilty of doing it. I cannot, for my life, escape the conviction that he is defending that cause, and none other. Now let me say a word on the question of the wages of the people of the North. He tells you, working women, that the “rentless hut and hog and hominy of the slave” are more to him than the wages you are getting to-day are to you. Mr. Northrop—No, sir, not to me. Judge Kelley—The gentleman said that the hog and hominy of the slave are more to him (the slave) than the wages of the working women are to them. Mr. Northrop was understood to dispute the correctness of this statement of his language. Judge Kelley—I so understood the gentleman, and I so noted his remark. If you will allow me time till the reporter can refer to his notes, I am willing they shall be the test. The gentleman has said as I understood (and I have no doubt, my friends, that your recollection agrees with mine), that the slave's hut without rent and his hog and hominy are more than the sewing woman's wages. I deny it. The slave's hut without rent and his hog and hominy are no wages at all. The slave men and women of the South year by year pay, and more than pay, for all the clothing and food and medical attendance they receive by the children born to them. Take the value of the annual increase of slaves, and you will find that it far more than pays for all the hog and hominy and jail-clothes given to the slaves. They do not get a cent in the shape of wages: and the increase of their families more than pays for all the support they get. My God! has it come to this, that a man who is aspiring to Congress shall come here and tell our working women that their condition is more deplorable than that of those poor slaves of the South—that the slave's hut with hog and hominy is better for him or her than your wages are for you? Which of you will exchange your apartments for the slave's floorless hut, your apparel for her jail-clothes, with never a bonnet, and your fare for her “hog and hominy?” Which of you wishes for a master to sell your daughters for prostitution and your sons to lives of unpaid labor? He says he did not threaten you with the almshouse. I say that he did intimate that the slaves of the South are better off than you, because the Almshouse stares you all in the face, while the master is bound to support his slave in his old age. I have not the notes of the gentleman's remarks; but I am willing to go before this or the next audience upon the notes as they were taken by the gentleman at the table. He did not threaten each one of you, perhaps, with the Almshouse ; but he was arguing in favor of the superiority of slavery when he suggested that the Almshouse gapes before the poor man who is dependent on his wages, in case of sickness. I say that the gentleman does but fairly speak out the honest opinions of the Democratic leaders. That is why they are willing to destroy our country; that is why they wish the South to succeed—because they believe that if we will yield now, we never shall stand up for our rights again, and that there will be an aristocracy established of which they may be members. But on the question of wages I want to show you something. There are four millions of slaves in the South. They have had no money with which to patronize anything or anybody. They are not skilled in any of the delicate manufacturing arts of the North. Their earnings have gone to about three hundred and fifty thousand slave owners. The slaves have lived in their huts. They are described in South Carolina as eating without knives or forks or spoons, and without tables. Their clothes are coarser than those we give to the felon in the penitentiary or the pauper in the almshouse. Their food is aptly described as “hog and hominy,” with blessed little hog in it ! Here are four millions of people. We took the Japanese all over the country; we entertained them at the Continental, in Philadelphia; at Willard's, in Washington; and at the Fifth Avenue, or some other leading hotel, in New York. We expended almost a million of dollars in bringing them here, entertaining them, and sending them home. Why did we make that immense expenditure ? It was to open trade with Japan —one of the most exclusive and distant countries of the world. Yet, here are four millions of people, lying just along our border; and for these nothing has ever been bought from us but the coarsest clothing, and, sometimes, when the corn crop was short, a little corn from the Northwest. This war, begun by the traitors to establish a Southern Confederacy and resisted by the loyal masses to maintain the Constitution, has made those negroes free. Now, counting eight of them to a family, there would be five hundred thousand homes. They live now in slave huts without latches or hinges to the doors, without window sashes or panes, without a wooden floor—without any furniture, save what the head of the family can make with the rough tools at his command. Give these people wages, give them a chance to grow cotton on their own

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ground, as many are already doing,” let them in any way produce or earn enough to enable them to expend one dollar each per week, let them, I say, have, in addition to their hog and hominy,

* How capable of enjoying freedom the slaves are, and how much their freedom would stimulate Northern industry, and add to the resources of the country, may be inferred from the facts set forth in the following extract from my remarks on the bill to establish a Bureau of Freedmen’s Affairs in the House of Representatives, February 23d, 1864. “Gentlemen say that the bureau proposed by this bill is to be expensive to the government ; that if the system could be made lucrative, they “would love to do something for these poor blacks.” . The blacks do not ask you to give them anything but work and wages. They wish to pay liberally for all beyond this. These men without a name, known as Tom, Joe, and Dick, have rented their one, five, ten, or twenty acres, and have produced a large amount of cotton, on which they pay the government a duty of two cents per pound. I find in Mr. Yeatman’s report on the Condition of the Freedmen of the Mississippi the following statement on this subject:— “‘ I visited quite a number of freedmen who were engaged in planting cotton on their own account. “‘Luke Johnson, colored, on the Albert Richardson place, will make five bales of cotton, and corn sufficient for his family and stock, and has sold $300 worth of vegetables. He has paid all expenses without aid from the government. He commenced work last May. “‘Bill Gibson and Phil Ford, colored, commenced work last May, and will make nine bales of cotton. They occasionally hire a woman or two, and have paid their hands in full, and found their own provisions. “‘Solomon Richardson, colored, on the Sam Richardson place, will make ten bales of cotton. He has had one hand to assist him, and has a good garden and corn. ‘‘ ‘Richard Walton, colored, will make seven bales of cotton. He has only had assistance in gathering it. He has no garden, but has provided for himself and paid for everything. “‘Henry Johnson, colored, will make eight bales of cotton, doing all the work himself. “‘ Moses Wright, colored, will make five bales. He has had his wife and two women to aid him, and all have paid their own way. “‘Jacob, colored, on the Blackman place, has made seven bales of very fine cotton, the best I saw, and equal to any ever grown in this section. He had some assistance. “‘Jim Blue, colored, an old man, has made two bales of cotton. “‘ George, colored, aided by two women, has made eight bales of cotton. “‘Milly, colored woman, whose husband was killed by the rebels, will make three bales of cotton. She had two boys to aid her in picking, at fifty cents per day. “‘ Peter, colored, and his son have made two bales, and raised a crop of corn. “‘Ned, colored, will make two and a half bales of cotton, besides his corn. ‘‘ ‘Charles, colored, will make two bales of cotton, besides his corn. ‘‘‘ Sancho, colored, works part of the Ballard place. I was informed he would make eighty bales of cotton. He works about twenty-seven men, women, and boys. I called to see him, but he was absent. “‘Patrick, colored, on the Parron place, near Millikin’s Bend, has made about twenty-seven bales of cotton. He has six or seven persons to aid him. “‘Bob, colored, will make nine or ten bales of cotton on the same place. ‘‘‘Prince, colored, will make six or seven bales of cotton.” “Adjutant General Thomas also tells us that he had leased fifteen plantations to freedmen, and that they worked them well and judiciously, raising from four to one hundred and fifty bales of cotton, on every pound of which the Government received a rent of two cents. I hold in my hand the account of sale of part of the cotton made by a number of these poor freedmen. It is from the second report of Mr. Yeat. man—that on the subject of Leasing Abandoned Plantations :— “‘Ample provision is made for such freedmen as desired to lease ground for themselves. Such as did it last year were eminently successful. I annex a statement of a few account sales of cotton grown by the colored lessees: the sales do not by any means include all grown by them ; besides there are many others who leased plantations, or parts of plantations, for which no returns had yet been rendered.

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“Poor Contraband, having twelve bales of cotton as working capital, may yet hope to earn himself a local habitation and a name.’ - . .

“ Under General Thomas' arrangements these people were hired at seven dollars a month for an ablebodied man, and five dollars for a woman. Under the influences which originated this bill their wages one dollar per week, and how much would the North get of it per annum ? It has been said that the negro is as imitative as the monkey; and I tell you that there is a great deal of human nature in the negro race, especially those who are the children, and grand-children, and great-grand-children of white people. Better the condition of these people, and give them money to spend, and they will begin to want what the white folks have. They will not be content to live in huts with earthen floors; they will want wooden floors. And when they get wooden floors, they will want to follow the example of the white people, and have carpets on them. Now, what harm would it do to the carpet-weavers of Manayunk and its vicinity to have five hundred thousand new houses to carpet, even if the money did come from “niggers?” Would it hurt wages? Then these people would want sashes and glass in their windows; and what harm would it do to the glass-makers of New Jersey that five hundred thousand little houses required window glass 2 The colored women, instead of wearing jail or almshouse garments, would want neat and respectable dresses; and they might even want these rotund skirts. I don’t know what you call them. I guarantee that they would want everything of the kind that they could get: and I ask you, what harm it would do to have the women and the girls of four millions of people added to your customers for muslins and the other goods which you manufacture? What harm would it do to you to have the men and boys of four millions of people wearing good cloth clothes that you or others like you had woven 2 They would want knives, and forks, and spoons. They would want all the comforts of life. Again, in my district, along the Wissahickon, there are great paper manufactories. Now, among the eight millions of whites in the South, there are nearly a million of adults who cannot read and write, and no one of the four millions of blacks has been allowed to learn to read or to write, though occasionally one would steal the knowledge. Pray, tell me what harm it would do to the paper-makers along the Wissahickon to have five millions of new customers for school-books and newspapers? What harm would it do to the makers of printing presses and printing ink, to have all the poor whites and all the blacks of the South buying Bibles, and Testaments, and hymnbooks? If, then, I say, the freed slaves should receive from agriculture, commerce, or labor at wages, an average of a dollar a week over and above what they expended on matters produced in their neighborhood, the North would get it nearly all for articles she produces. There are more than four millions of them, and there are fifty-two weeks in the year; so that there would be over two hundred millions of dollars to be expended yearly by these now destitute people living along your borders, in stimulating the industry and the commerce of the North. And I again ask you what harm it would do 2 I ask you whether, with two hundred millions of dollars of additional custom thrown into the North, there would not be a better chance of raising wages than there will be if you should acknowledge the independence of the Confederacy and agree to catch these poor men and women, and reduce them to slavery, to labor without wages under a system by which the price of their children pays for their poor food and clothing. I ask you whether, with these people free and seeking the advantages of education, and a higher social life, there would not be a better chance for raising your wages than there would with them in slavery. Let us, then, maintain the unity of our country and the freedom of all its people, and it shall become so grand that the world will fear us— so powerful that no traitor will dare to raise his rebellious voice. But if we allow the rebel States to go in peace, and establish an armed Confederacy, with a standing army of half a million of men, so that day by day, week by week, and year by year, we shall be surrendering our sons and brothers to keep up our standing army, and the half of our earnings to feed our soldiers and sailors, what better will we be than the poor people of Great Britain and Europe? r

oilow citizens. I, too, am for peace; but I am for peace when the last armed rebel shall have laid down his rifle; I am for peace when the last fortification constructed by the traitors shall be surrendered to the government. I am for peace when the star-lit and heaven-illumined flag of America shall float proudly, freely, and unassailed from one extremity of our country to the other, and every man shall acknowledge it as the symbol of the power and supremacy of the government of the United States.

have been raised to twenty-five dollars for a first-class, twenty dollars for a second-class, and fifteen dollars for a third class man, and women of the same character, instead of being compelled to labor for five dollars, now get eighteen, fourteen, and eleven dollars.”

NO. T.

Reply of Hon. William D. Kelley to George
Northrop, Esq. .



IT is very fortunate, my fellow-citizens, that no question of veracity can be raised between my distinguished competitor and myself. What statements we have made do not depend upon the word of either of us. The witnesses are more than a hundred thousand to testify to the incorrectness of his representations of my presentation of the case at previous meetings. These good gentlemen (at the reporters’ table) have noted every word. Four of my addresses have been published in the Evening Bulletin. The fifth is in type for the issue of to-morrow. Three of them have been published in pamphlet form, and distributed to the number of ten thousand each. Then there are the people who have heard us. I invite you to get the reports of what I have said, and see how utterly wanting in all the elements of fair statement the gentleman's narration has been. I have said at no time that “this was a war for the wages of the negro.” I said that it was a war growing out of the conflict of two orders of civilization, and that it was made by the friends of the weaker and baser order; that it was a war between, on the one hand, an order of civilization which claims that the laborer ought to be owned by the capitalist, and, on the other, our Northern system, which holds that every man, woman, and child is entitled to, and may by law collect, wages for all the work he or she does. I said that the owners of their laborers, finding that our free civilization was building us up into a great people in contrast with them, had determined to violate the Constitution of our country, and rob us and our posterity of more than half the territory which we inherited from our patriot sires or purchased with our money, or our blood shed on the plains of Texas and Mexico. I have pointed to the facts that South Carolina seceded seventy-six days before Abraham Lincoln became President: that the Southern Confederacy was organized nearly a month before James Buchanan ceased to be President, and that on the 12th of April, 1861, one month and eight days after Abraham Lincoln had been inaugurated, “his Southern friends and political brothers” had fired upon the flag and begun this war for the extension of slavery and the extinction, so far as concerned the Southern States, of the right of the laboring man or woman to wages, whether that man or woman be white or black. These are my positions; and you will find what I have said in print; and I beg you to read my remarks and say whether or not I am a truthful man in giving you this statement. Thus I refer you to a hundred thousand witnesses. - . The gentleman told you (and he was excessively facetious; he provoked the mirth of the youngest boy in the hall by telling you) that I had said that I had looked over the Globe and could not find John Quincy Adams's Jubilee Address, and that I would not have found it had I looked for it in Watts's Hymn Book. He will pardon me if I tell you that I said no such thing. What I said was this: that inasmuch as he had misquoted that address I had brought the Globe to show the misquotation. Having the matter in question in the Globe, and not owning a copy of the address, I had taken the pains to take this big volume into one of the city libraries and compare what is here with the address; and I preferred carrying to the discussion my own book to taking a borrowed one that some friend might have got out of the library for me. My expression, on the second night of our discussion at Manayunk, was, that I regretted that I had not with me a volume of the Globe which I had had with me on the first evening, that I might show the manner in which the language of Mr. Adams had been garbled and misquoted. It may have been very funny that I should speak about the Globe in that connection; but was it not perfectly natural? Now, my fellow-citizens, you have heard my competitor utter no one word to-night in favor of the union of the States. He did utter one phrase that he has never used before, and it involves a principle that he has never before acknowledged. He spoke to-night “ of peace and union.” During the six discussions which we have previously had he has spoken of peace only, and then of reconstruction; that was, as I understood, peace and disunion with reconstruction or union possibly to follow. The experience of six nights has brought him from peace and future reconstruction to talk to you about “peace and union.” He is making some progress in patriotism.

You have, as I was saying, heard him utter no word in behalf of the Union cause. You have heard him utter no word of censure of the traitors who took’ their States out of the Union and organized an armed confederacy to make war upon you, your country and your flag. You have heard him utter no word of condemnation of that Secretary of the Navy who, while he saw that confederacy organizing, handed over to the rebels the twentyseven finest vessels of your navy, and sent all the rest but the four smallest across the broadest seas that would bear them from your country. You have heard him say not one word against that President and that Secretary of War who stripped the Northern arsenals of arms and ammunition and gorged those of the South in the very hours in which Southern traitors were preparing to go out of the Union and make war upon us and our Government. You have heard him utter no word of condemnation of that President, that Secretary of War, and that Administration, that kept Twiggs in command of half your army at New Orleans after he had written to them that he was a State rights man, and that if they left him in command of the army, and Texas should retire from the Union, he would feel it to be his duty to surrender his army to the authorities of that State, or to the authorities of any confederacy which she might enter. No fact in history is better established than that General Twiggs did, in the month of November preceding Abraham Lincoln's inauguration, notify the President, James Buchanan, the Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, and Adjutant General Cooper, in the very terms which I have repeated, Yet they allowed him to retain command until Texas did go out; and then, as every one knows, he did, in pursuance of the notice which he had served on the administration, surrender the whole of his army to the Confederate Government, and thereby give them a stock of prisoners, so that the first they captured from us at Ball's Bluff and Bull's Run were kept more than a year and until we could get enough to exchange them. Yet the gentleman has no word of condemnation for any part of this 1 no word of condemnation of the men who burned Chambersburg—no word of condemnation of the men who kept our armies fighting for three days on our own soil around the quiet little village of Gettysburg, and who announced that if they were not stopped, they were going to sack your homes and mine, and burn Philadelphia as they did afterward burn Chambersburg.

You have doubtless seen men at the street corners distributing bills stating what the price of matches among other things used to be, and what it is now ; and my distinguished friend has brought you a newspaper, probably from the same press (for it is No. 1 of a paper that has never been heard of before), to show you how much the laboring women are suffering under our Government; and in this connection he found it agreeable to sneer at greenbacks. That has been his policy all the way through. He has not uttered an argument that has not been in defence of or apology for the rebellion. He has no word of encouragement for your sons and brothers who are carrying the flag of our country forward to victory and to the establishment of a peace that shall never again be broken by traitors. I, on the other hand, met him fairly, and have shown how the rebellion and the Confederacy had been organized, and that Mr. Buchanan, in the beginning of December, 1860, sent a message to Congress announcing that the e was no power in the Government to maintain itself, and that if the Union men of the South should undertake to stand up for their Government, he would neither protect nor aid them. I have also read the opinion written by the Democratic Attorney General and sent to Congress with that message—an opinion concurring in Mr. Buchanan's doctrine that the Government had no right to protect itself and defend your country. I have also pointed the gentleman to the conduct of General Jackson when the State of South Carolina undertook to nullify a law, and showed him how “Old Hickory” had sworn that “the Union must and shall be preserved,” and how he had found in the Constitution the power to make that oath good. I also showed the gentleman that he was uttering the doctrines preached by Benedict Arnold after he became a traitor, and read Arnold’s proclamation in which he told the people that they had no rights which had not been violated ; that their sons and brothers were being dragged to the war under delusive promises; that freedom of speech had been suppressed; that the freedom, of the press had been interfered with ; and that in that appeal of the traitor Arnold after he had attempted to betray our country, was to be found (though it was not so long as my hand), every argument that my friend and the great leaders of his party are putting before our people now. I also read from a volume of authentic history, an account of the manner in which Andrew Jackson had suspended the habeas corpus; and not only that, but had arrested and imprisoned the Judge who issued the writ. I also read from the Congressional Debates parts of the proceedings on a bill introduced by Charles J. Ingersoll, a Democrat from Philadelphia, to remit and refund the fine which had been imposed on Jackson for thus suspending the habeas corpus and imprisoning the Judge, and the burning words of Stephen A. Douglas in advocacy of that bill, and in defence of the constitutionality of the course pursued by Jackson. And in this connection I told the gentleman what the old men among my auditors know, and what the young men ought all to know from study, that Stephen A. Douglas made his fame by defending the constitutionality of Andrew Jackson's suspension of the habeas corpus. - .

I have met the gentleman's propositions and interrogatories, and have replied to them all, save, perhaps, one single question that escaped my notice, by reason of the expiration of my time. I have answered the gentleman fully and broadly in reference to the Monroe Doctrine.

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