The rebels used all means in their power to aid the party from whose success they anticipated so much advantage. Hood's movement, it was hoped, would have a political influence upon the election; and Early's advance was spoken of in Southern journals as a means of assisting the counting of the ballots in Pennsylvania. Along the Northern border, too, the rebel agents, sent thither on "detached service" by the Rebel Government, were active, in movements intended to terrify and harass the people. On the 19th of October, a party of them made a raid into St. Albans, Vermont, robbing the banks there, and making their escape across the lines into Canada with their plunder, having killed one of the citizens in their attack. Pursuit was made, and several of the marauders were arrested in Canada. Proceedings were commenced to procure their extradition, which were not, however, brought to a close before the election. The Government received information that this affair was but one of a projected series, and that similar attempts would be made all along the frontier. More than this, there were threats, followed by actual attempts, to set fire to the principal Northern cities, and there were not wanting some signs of an inclination to renew the scenes of the riots of the year before.

A very grave sensation was produced by the publication of a report of Judge Advocate-General Holt, giving conclusive proof of the existence of an organized secret association at the North, controlled by prominent men in the Democratic party, whose objects were the overthrow, by revolution, of the Administration, in the interest of the rebellion. Some of the leaders were arrested and tried. The Democratic presses had sneered at the whole affair as one which was got up by the Government for political effect. But when one of their leaders, being on parole as he was being tried, ran away rather than meet the result, people began to be sensible of the danger they had escaped.

So rife were threats of a revolution at the North, and especially in New York City, if Mr. Lincoln were re

elected, that the Government sent a body of veterans from the Army of the James, under General Butler, to that city for purposes of precaution. But, fortunately, in New York, as everywhere else, so quiet an election was never known, nor was there ever one more utterly free from complaints of fraud. Certainly, none so decisive was ever held in this country. Of all the States which voted on that day, General McClellan carried but three-New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentuckywhile Mr. Lincoln received the votes of all the New England States, of New York and Pennsylvania, of all the Western States, of West Virginia, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas, and of the new State of Nevada, which was, on the 31st of October, admitted into the Union by the following proclamation:

Whereas, The Congress of the United States passed an act, which was approved on the 21st day of March last, entitled, "An Act to enable the People of Nevada to form a Constitution and State Government," and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States; and

Whereas, The said Constitution and State Government have been formed pursuant to the condition prescribed by the fifth section of the act of Congress aforesaid, and the certificate required by the said act, and also a copy of the Constitution and ordinances have been submitted to the President of the United States:

Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in accordance with the duty imposed upon me by the act of Congress aforesaid, do hereby declare and proclaim that the said State of Nevada is admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

[L. 8.]

Done at the City of Washington, this thirty-first day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.

By the President:

(Signed)

WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

The vote at that election was very large everywhere, and Mr. Lincoln received a popular majority of over four

hundred thousand votes-a larger majority than was ever received by any other President.

The feeling which was uppermost in the President's heart at the result of the election was joy over its effects upon the cause. He expressed this sentiment in some remarks which he made, when serenaded by a club of Pennsylvanians, at a late hour on the night of the election. His speech was as follows:

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:-Even before I had been informed by you that this compliment was paid to me by loyal citizens of Pennsylvania, friendly to me, I had inferred that you were that portion of my countrymen who think that the best interests of the nation are to be subserved by the support of the present Administration. I do not pretend to say that you who think so embrace all the patriotism and loyalty of the country. But I do believe, and I trust without personal interest, that the welfare of the country does require that such support and indorsement be given. I earnestly believe that the consequence of this day's work, if it be as you assure me, and as now seems probable, will be to the lasting advantage, if not to the very salvation of the country. I cannot at this hour say what has been the result of the election; but whatever it may have been, I have no desire to modify this opinion, that all who have labored to-day in behalf of the Union organization have wrought for the best interests of their country and the world, not only for the present, but for all future ages. I am thankful to God for this approval of the people. But, while deeply grateful for this mark of their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph. I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any one, but I give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of the people's resolution to stand by free government and the rights of humanity.

The telegraph brought certain news of the result within a few hours. On the night of November 10th, the various Lincoln and Johnson Clubs of the District went to the White House to serenade the President, to whom he spoke as follows:

It has long been a grave question whether any Government, not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its existence in great emergencies. On this point the present rebellion brought our Government to a severe test, and a Presidential election occurring in a regular course during the rebellion, added not a little to the train.

If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially paralyzed by a political war among themselves? But the election was a necessity. We cannot have free government without elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the election is but human nature practically applied to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this case must ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial, compared with the men of this, we will have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged.

But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, has done good, too. It has demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a national election in the midst of a great civil war. Until now, it has not been known to the world that this was a possibility. It shows, also, how sound and how strong we still are. It shows that even among the candidates of the same party, he who is most devoted to the Union and most opposed to treason can receive most of the people's votes. It shows, also, to the extent yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war began. Gold is good in its place; but living, brave, and patriotic men are better than gold.

But the rebellion continues, and, now that the election is over, may not all have a common interest to reunite in a common effort to save our common country? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am duly sensible to the high compliment of a re-election, and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God, for having directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, as I think, for their good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed by the result.

May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in this same spirit towards those who have? And now, let me close by asking three hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and their gallant and skilful commanders.

But though the President rejoiced over the result mainly because of its public bearing on the welfare of the country, he was by no means insensible to the personal confidence in himself which it exhibited. This feeling he expressed in a speech which he made to the State Committee of Maryland, who waited on him to congratulate him upon the trust.

The Chairman had remarked that they felt under deep obligations to him because, by the exercise of rare discretion on his part, Maryland to-day occupied the proud position of a free State.

The President said that he would not attempt to conceal his gratification with the result of the election. He had exercised his best judgment for the good of the whole country, and to have the seal of approbation placed upon his course was exceedingly grateful to his feelings.

Believing the policy he had pursued was the best and the only one which could save the country, he repeated what he had said before, that he indulged in no feeling of triumph over any one who had thought or acted differently from himself. He had no such feeling towards any living man. He thought the adoption of a Free State Constitution for Maryland was "a big thing," and a victory for right and worth a great deal more than the part of Maryland in the Presidential election, although of the latter he thought well. In conclusion, he repeated what he had said before: namely, that those who differed from and opposed us, will yet see that defeat was better for their own good than if they had been successful.

This same sense of personal gratitude found expression in the following letter which he wrote to Deacon John Phillips, of Stourbridge, Massachusetts, who, though a hundred and four years old, attended the polls to cast his vote for Mr. Lincoln :

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 21, 1864.

MY DEAR SIR:--I have heard of the incident at the polls in your town, in which you acted so honorable a part, and I take the liberty of writing to you to express my personal gratitude for the compliment paid me by the suffrage of a citizen so venerable.

The example of such devotion to civic duties in one whose days have already been extended an average lifetime beyond the Psalmist's limit, cannot but be valuable and fruitful. It is not for myself only, but for the country which you have in your sphere served so long and so well, that I thank you. Your friend and servant,

Deacon JоHN PHILLIPS.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

We publish here, as it was written on the same day, the following graceful letter addressed by the President to Mrs. Bixby, a resident of Boston, who had lost five sons in the war, and whose sixth was lying severely wounded at the time in the hospital: