Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

KENTUCKY'S PECULIAR LOYALTY.

tration of this Government upon the principles of the Chicago Platform--a condition of our country, most likely, near at hand-what attitude will Kentucky hold, and by virtue of what authority shall her external relations It

be determined? Herein are involved issues

of momentous consequence to the people.
is of vital importance to our own safety and
domestic peace that these questions be solved
in accordance with the will of a majority of
our people. *** The ordinary departments
of the Government are vested with no power
to conduct the State through such a revolu-
tion. Any attempt, by either of these de-
partments, to change our present external
relations, would involve a usurpation of pow-
er, and might not command that confidence
and secure the unanimity so essential to our
internal safety."

The Legislature heard him patiently, but refused to follow him. It declined to call a State Convention, but proposed instead a National Convention to revise the Federal pact, and a 'Peace Conference' at Washington; which latter was duly held, as we have already seen. No action looking to Disunion could be extracted from that Legislature, which ad'journed soon afterward. And, though the Secessionists sought to atone for their paucity of numbers by preternatural activity, especially through their secret organizations, as 'Knights of the Golden Circle,' etc., and called a 'State Rights' Convention, to meet at Frankfort on the 22d of March, by a secret circular, wherein they assumed that Disunion was an accomplished fact, nothing of importance had been effected by them when the roar of the batteries encircling Fort Sumter called the nation to arms.

Gov. Magoffin, having refused, with insult, to respond to the President's call for Militia to maintain the Union, summoned the Legislature to meet once more, in extra session, assigning, as one reason therefor, the necessity of promptly putting the State in a complete position for defense.

493

con

| His call was issued April 18th; and, on the evening of that day, an immense Union meeting was held at Louisville, whereof James Guthrie, Archibald Dixon, and other servatives,' were the master-spirits. This meeting resolved against Secession, and against any forcible resistance thereto—in favor of arming the State, and against using her arms to put down the rampant treason at that moment ruling in Baltimore as well as in Richmond, and ostentatiously preparing for a speedy rush upon Washington. Two of its resolves will sufficiently exhibit the inconsequence and unreason of this species. of conservatism: viz:

"Resolved, First: That, as the Confederate States have, by overt acts, commenced war against the United States, without consultation with Kentucky and their sister Southern States, Kentucky reserves to herself the right to choose her own position; and that, while her natural sympathies are with those who have a common interest in

the protection of Slavery, she still acknowledges her loyalty and fealty to the Governcheerfully render until that Government ment of the United States, which she will becomes aggressive, tyrannical, and regardless of our rights in slave property.

"Second: That the National Government

should be tried by its acts; and that the several States, as its peers in their appropriability, and require that its acts should be ate spheres, will hold it to a rigid account

fraternal in their efforts to bring back the seceded States, and not sanguinary or coërcive."

The red-hot balls fired into Sumter by the traitors had hardly cooled, when Kentucky Unionism insulted the common-sense and nauseated the loyal stomach of the Nation by this astounding drivel. The consequences may well be imagined. Not a single Rebel in all the State was induced by it to relax his efforts in behalf of slaveholding treason; and men, munitions, and supplies were openly, and

almost daily, dispatched to the mus | tering Rebel hosts in the South and Southeast; while, for months, nothing was done by that State for the cause of the Union. The first regiment of Kentuckians raised for the Union armies was encamped on the free side of the river, in deference to urgent representations from professed Unionists and to Kentucky's proclaimed neutrality.

[ocr errors]

The meeting further resolved:

Eighth: That we look to the young men of the Kentucky State Guard as the bulwarks of the safety of our Commonwealth; and we conjure them to remember that they are pledged equally to fidelity to the United States and to Kentucky."

That 'State Guard,' organized by Gen. Simon B. Buckner, under the auspices of Gov. Magoffin, became a mere recruiting and drilling convenience of the Rebel chiefs-its members being dispatched southward so fast as ripened for their intended service. Ultimately, having corrupted all he could, Buckner followed them into the camp of open treason," and was captured at the head of a portion of them at the taking of

Fort Donelson.

43

[merged small][ocr errors][merged small]

South. The Federal Government was rolling up a frightful debt, which Kentucky would not choose to help pay, etc., etc. Whereupon, he again urged the call of a Convention, with a view to State independence and self-protection.

The Legislature had been chosen in 1859, and had a Democratic majority in either House, but not a Disunion majority. It could not be induced to call a Convention, nor even to favor such neutrality as Magoffin proposed. Yet he presumed to issue" a Proclamation of Neutrality, denouncing the war as a "horrid, unnatural, lamentable strife," forbidding either the Union or the Confederate Government to invade the soil of Kentucky, and interdicting all "hostile demonstrations against either of the aforesaid sovereignties" by citizens of that State, "whether incorporated in the State Guard or otherwise." Had he been an autocrat, this might have proved effectual. But the Legislature refused to indorse his Proclamation; refused to vote him Three Millions wherewith to the State;" and so amended the Militia Law as to require the 'State Guard' to swear allegiance to the Union as well as to Kentucky. Senator Lovell H. Rousseau," among others, spoke" decidedly, boldly, in opposition to all projects of Disunion or semi-Disunion; saying:

66

arm

[blocks in formation]

FINAL 'PEACE' EFFORT IN THE WEST.

longs. It is all your work, and whatever happens will be your work. We have more right to defend our Government than you have to overturn it. Many of us are sworn to support it. Let our good Union brethren at the South stand their ground. I know that many patriotic hearts in the seceded States still beat warmly for the old Union-the old flag. The time will come when we shall all be together again. The politicians are having their day. The people will yet have theirs. I have an abiding confidence in the right, and I know this Secession movement is all wrong. There is, in fact, not a single substantial reason for it. If there is, I should be glad to hear of it. Our Government has never oppressed us with a feather's weight. The direst oppression alone could justify what has brought all our present suffering upon us. May God, in His mercy, save our glorious Republic!"

The Legislature adjourned on the 24th-the Senate having just resolved that

"Kentucky will not sever connection with the National Government, nor take up arms for either belligerent party; but arm herself for the preservation of peace within her borders;" and tendering their services as mediators to effect a just and honorable

peace.

495

cause the behests of the slaveholding caste are habitually accepted and obeyed as law in every slaveholding community.

An election for delegates to the proposed "Peace Convention" was held May 4th, and resulted in an immense Union majority—7,000 in Louisville, and over 50,000 in the State. The Secessionists, ascertaining their numerical weakness, and unwilling to expose it, withdrew their tickets a few days previously, and took no part in the election.

The "Peace Convention" assembled May 27th; but Virginia, at whose instance it was called, sent no delegates, and none were present but from Kentucky, save four from Missouri and one from Tennessee. John J. Crittenden presided. Among the delegates were some who have since proved traitors; but the great majority were earnestly devoted to the Rev. Robert J. Breckinridge Union. And yet, this Convention always a devoted Unionist, because failed to assert the imperative duty never a devotee of Slavery-in an of obedience to its constituted auaddress at Cincinnati, one year later, thority, without which the Union is declared that Kentucky was saved but a name for anarchy. It deprefrom the black abyss by her prox- cated civil war as abhorrent and imity to loyal Ohio, Indiana, and ruinous, and exhorted the people to Illinois, whose Governors,. it was "hold fast to that sheet-anchor of known, stood pledged to send ten republican liberty, the principle that thousand men each to the aid of her the will of the majority, constitutionUnionists whenever the necessity for ally and legally expressed, must govtheir presence should be indicated. ern;" yet failed to charge those who, Had she been surrounded as Tennes- defying this principle, were plunging see and North Carolina were, she the whole land into confusion and must have fallen as they did. She carnage, with the full responsibility would have so fallen, not because a of their acts, or to call on the people majority of her people were disloyal, to put them down. It still harped but because the traitors were better on the wrongs of the South, though organized, more determined, more condemning her rebellion; exhorted belligerent, and bent on success at the North to "discard that sectional and unfriendly spirit, which has conany cost. They would have succeeded, be-tributed so much to inflame the

feelings of the Southern people;" | the United States might interpose; proposed a voluntary Convention of but our forces must be withdrawn so

all the States, to devise " measures of peaceable adjustment;" and indicated what those measures should be, by gravely recommending

"First: That Congress shall at once propose such constitutional amendments as will secure to slaveholders their legal rights, and allay their apprehensions in regard to pos

sible encroachments in the future.

"Second: If this should fail to bring about the results so desirable to us, and so essential to the best hopes of our country, then let a voluntary Convention be called, composed of delegates from the people of all the States, in which measures of peaceable adjustment may be devised and adopted,

and the nation rescued from the continued horrors and calamities of civil war."

soon as the Rebels had been expelled! Gen. McClellan promptly denied that he had made any such treaty-or, in fact, any treaty at all. He had had an interview with Buckner, at the request of the latter, who had promised to drive out any Confederate force that should invade Kentuckythat was all. No doubt remained that Buckner had drawn largely on his imagination; proclaiming, as agreed on, much that he had scarcely ventured to propose.

Gov. Magoffin having appointed June 20th as the day for electing Representatives in Congress, in defer

Extra Session, the election was held accordingly, and resulted in the choice of nine Unionists to one Secessionist (H. C. Burnett, who fled to the Rebels, after serving through the called session.) The vote of the State showed an aggregate of 92,365 for the

While 'conservatives' were thus discoursing, the bolder traitors went on arming and drilling, until the south-ence to the President's call of an western half of the State was virtually subject to their sway; while, from every quarter, troops were forwarded to their armies in the field; and the triumphant Secessionists of Tennessee, from their grand camp at Nashville, were threatening to open the road to Louisville, whence supplies were not sent them so freely as they deemed required by their needs or their dignity.

[blocks in formation]
[ocr errors]

Union' to 36,995 for the Secession candidates, giving a majority of 55,370 for the former. And this election was held when no Federal soldier trod the soil of Kentucky; under a Governor at heart with the Rebels; and after every effort had been exhausted to win her to the side of treason. The Southern frenzy had affected but a small minority of her people; while the terrorism which had coërced so many States into submission to the will of the conspirators was rendered powerless by the proximity of loyal and gallant communities. Kentucky voted as nearly every Slave State would have done, but for the amazing falsehoods

48 June 10th, 1861.

JEFFERSON DAVIS ON 'PEACE.'

[ocr errors]

497

which were diffused among their Slave Power stood ready to execute people, while none dared to contra- its condign vengeance on all who dict them-while thousands dared dared oppose its darling project, or not be loyal to their country, because who should in any manner dispute the more reckless minions of the its sway.

2

XXXI.

THE FORCES IN CONFLICT.

Mr. JEFFERSON DAVIS, in his Spe- | the Union, in their respective States cial Message to his Congress,' wherein he asserts that war has been declared against the Confederacy by President Lincoln's Proclamation of April 15th, heretofore given, with more plausibility asserts that the Democratic party of the Free States stands publicly committed to the principles which justify the secession and confederation of the States owning his sway, by its reïterated affirmation and adoption of "the Resolutions of '98 and '99," and that the whole country had ratified this committal by large majorities, in the reëlection as President of Mr. Jefferson, in the first election of Mr. Madison, and in the election of Gen. Pierce. Assuming this as a basis, Mr. Davis had no difficulty in convincing those whom he more immediately addressed, that, for his confederates to surprise, capture, or otherwise obtain, through the treachery of their custodians, the forts, arsenals, armories, custom-houses, mints, sub-treasuries, etc., etc., of

1

[ocr errors]

1 Montgomery, April 29, 1861.

2 He says:

"From a period as early as 1798, there had existed in all the States a party, almost uninterruptedly in the majority, based upon the creed that each State was, in the last resort, the sole judge, as well of its wrongs as of the mode and measure of redress. *** The Democratic

-even (as in the case of North Carolina and Arkansas) those which had not seceded-was a peaceful, regular, legitimate, legal procedure; while to resist such spoliation and maintain the right of the Union to possess and control the property it had created and hitherto enjoyed, was unjustifiable aggression and unprovoked war. Mr. Lincoln (said Mr. Davis) had no constitutional right to issue "the declaration of war against this Confederacy which has prompted me to convoke you." It was his duty to have quietly let the Confederates help themselves, by virtue of shot and shell, to such portions of the property of the Union as they should see fit to touch and take. In fact, this whole Message, like several which succeeded it, evinces the consciousness of its author that he had no longer to square his assertions by what was regarded, out of the Confederacy, as historic truth, or his deductions by what the civilized world had estab

party of the United States repeated, in its successful canvass of 1836, the declaration, made in numerous previous political contests, that it would faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia Legislatures of [1798 and] 1799, and that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed."

« AnteriorContinuar »