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the spark which set half Europe ablaze. Had the British Government, which fully sympathised with the Sicilians, been willing to risk a single ship, instead of confining itself to purely platonic friendship, Sicily might then have permanently won her liberty and her independence. That she did not was well for Italy, which would now have lacked the most precious jewel in her crown. Whether it was equally well for Sicily is open to grave doubt.

Long after the stubborn islanders had succumbed to the royal forces, and for nearly two months after the fall of Rome, the flag of Italian freedom still floated over Venice. • Venice, the pauperised,' to quote Mr. King, · Venice, the

careless, the self-indulgent, had redeemed herself by a • defence of patient heroism, that won for her the admira

tion of Europe. She owed her hour of strength to one great man. To-day the name of Daniele Mapin is not, even in Italy, so universally familiar as those of some other heroes of the revolution. His career was short, his stage less conspicuous, his opportunities limited. Nevertheless he towers head and shoulders above all the men of '48 for singleness of aim, for daring courage of purpose and execution, for the winning but fearless frankness, which rouses and sways a fickle multitude, yet remains its master. I

know that you love me,' he once told those Venetians who knew him as their father,' 'I know that you love me, and by that love I command order. For disorder he had 'an

instinctive repulsion, as for a discord or a deformed face.' Without the egotism and intolerance of Mazzini, full of the practical wisdom that was lacking to Garibaldi, endowed with more popular gifts, more power to stir the enthusiasm of the masses than Cavour, he had, in Mr. King's words,

the rarest gifts of statesmanship; he had all Cavour's • breadth and accessibility to facts; his conceptions were as • bold, his economic view, his standard of morality higher. • Cavour might sway people by their reason, Manin could touch their hearts.

traditions, what force of habit, what associations could turn his thoughts towards monarchy? For what dynasty could he feel the dimmest spark of sentiment? Most of Italy had for centuries been accustomed to the sway of a monarch. Even Tuscany could take pride of a kind in the splendour of her Medicean days, and appreciate the comforts she enjoyed under the mild Lorrainer rule; Genoa herself might forget her independence in a union to the one patriotic Italian State, but how could a Venetian Nationalist be anything but a Republican at heart? We might as well search for Legitimists at Chicago, or seek enthusiasm for parliamentary institutions among the Cossacks of the Don.

Yet Manin was a statesman as well as a patriot. He

government are but oneans to an end, του ευ ζην ένεκα ---a truth that the scales of party blindness have too often concealed from Legitimist and Radical alike—and with that judicious opportunism which sacrifices the form to gain the substance, he lived to accept the monarchy of the House of Savoy, provided that it concurred loyally and effica

ciously to make Italy. Make Italy,' he wrote from his Parisian exile to Pallavicino, and we are with you. If not, ' not. Italy, he recognised, bad ' two living forces-Italian public opinion and the Piedmontese army.

On the 28th of May, 1856, there appeared in the Times' the famous letter in which Manin denounced the theory of the dagger.'

• There is one great enemy of Italy,' he wrote, which the national party must contend against without rest or pause as without mercy, and in that contest it will be supported and seconded by the approbation and applause of the whole of civilised Europe. This great enemy of Italy is the doctrine of political assassination, or, in other terms, the theory of the poniard.

'I will not stop to discuss the morality of the question. I know that there are acute dialecticians who will undertake its defence, and among others, and above all others eminent for the exuberance of their zeal, of their acuteness and their doctrine, the reverend fathers the Jesuits. But I also know, and as a political man this suffices for me, that the feelings of every honest man in Italy and abroad reject, reprove, and abominate such a doctrine, the doctrine of destroying human life by acts of treachery, at any time, in any place, and for any motive whatever.

The great national party in Italy invites to itself, and hopes to draw to it, the whole of its people who really love their country, and especially the most judicious, the most worthy, and the most respected for the unstained honour of their lives. But these men will never answer to that appeal unless the national party separate itself solemnly, absolutely, and irrevocably from assassins. That absolute separation is necessary to conciliate the sympathies of Europe, and to gain our national cause the respect, the veneration, and the affection which it merits. ... Our hands must be without stain. Let our purity from crime be the mark which shall distinguish the noble defenders of our country from the suicidal instruments of the enemies of all law. Ours shall be the honourable weapons which become noble and truly VOL, CXCI. NO. CCCXCII.


courageous men, and our duty is tu profess and to propagate the doctrines of pure and indisputable morality.

'Let the theory of assassination be left to the Jesuits, and let us abandon the poniard to the Sanfedisti.' Although the letter contains no reference, direct or indirect, to Mazzini, it was nevertheless bitterly resented by him, and he replied in terms of much acerbity. We recommend a comparison of the rhetorical egotism of his reply with the genuine patriotism of Manin's language to all who would judge between the two men.

The majority of Republicans had come to consider Mazzini impracticable, as, indeed, he was after 1849, and followed Manin in accepting the programme of union under a Nationalist king.

Of a delicate constitution, Manin did not live to see Italy united, or Venice free. He died in Paris on September 22, 1857, leaving behind him a name as spotless, both in public

and private life, as any which adorns the pages either of 'ancient or of modern history.

Neither the revolutionary turmoil of 1848 nor its ultimate defeat by the forces of reaction was confined to Italy. Yet the Italian Liberals paid the heaviest penalty for failure, and that not through any greater faults of their own; for, although they shared to the full the weaknesses and defects which led to the same result in other lands, it is in them that the nobler side of the cataclysmic upheaval is most clearly manifested. For it had its nobler aspect, at any rate in Italy, an aspect which has not failed to earn our historian's just appreciation :

'Though it fell so short in grip and power, the spirit that made and spoilt the revolution had a very beautiful and noble side. The sentimentalism had for its obverse an enthusiasm and faith, sweet and pure and human, that set its trust in righteousness, that refused to bate one jot of its high ideals, that sent men to war with the crusader's badge, to rush on Austrian or French bayonets with a prayer on their lips, glad to give their lives for Italy.'

ART. VI.-1. Mission en Cappadoce, 1893–94. By E. CHANTRE.

Paris : 1898. 2. Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien. By K. HUMANN

and O. POCHSTEIN. Berlin : 1890. 3. The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Penn

sylvania. Edited by H. V. HILPRECHT. Vol. I., parts i.

and ii. Philadelphia : 1893, 1896. ONE of the most remarkable results of recent exploration

in Western Asia has been the discovery that, from the earliest ages, the influence of Babylonian civilisation extended far west into Syria and Asia Minor, preceding in these regions by many centuries the temporary influence of Egypt. The excavations conducted by M. Chantre in Cappadocia have produced tablets, seals, votive figures, pottery, &c., in abundance, casting much new light on this matter; and, though he had many predecessors in explora. tion of this region, his results are among the most important obtained since the recovery of the Amarna tablets in 1887, and the German excavations at Samalla in North Syria. The history of Greek civilisation, not less than that of the Hebrews, is profoundly affected by these discoveries; and the influence of Chaldea must be recognised, not only in Palestine, but also in Ionia, where the so-called Mycenæan or Ægean art appears to have sprung from an Asiatic source.

Without forgetting our obligations to Texier, Perrot, Ramsay, Wilson, Hogarth, Humann, Puchstein, Davis, and others, it may be predicted that the name of M. Chantre will stand high in the list of successful explorers in this region. He has travelled widely in Syria, Armenia, and Asia Minor, from the Caucasus to the Ægean; and the mission with which he was entrusted by the French Government in 1893 was most successful. Wherever he has gone his diligence has secured a considerable harvest. He is an ethnologist and naturalist, rather than one of the modern school of professional (and often too narrow and dogmatic) archæologists; and though he possesses only a general knowledge of antiquity, and is obliged to submit his results to specialists for explanations (sometimes more pretentious than sound), the good sense of his personaland very modest-conclusions is as remarkable as his energy in travel and his diligence in collecting genuine records.

The discoveries and explorations of M. Chantre represent Cappadocian civilisation from at least 2500 B.C. down to the time of Justinian. They include the ancient texts and sculptures which he, like others, compares with those of Chaldea, the early Aryan remains, the Persian, the Greek, and the Roman. Broadly speaking, the history of this region began with colonisation by Mongols, related to the first civilised race of Mesopotamia, which is usually known as Akkadian. About 850 B.C. the Medes and Scythians, whom Sir H. Rawlinson has shown to have been Aryans *

-displaced these older rulers in the East; while the Ionians, Phrygians, and Lydians, who were also Aryans, pressed in from the shores of the Hellespont till, in the sixth century B.C., Crosus ruined the cities of the older civilised tribes.f The Semitic Babylonians were known in Cappadocia at least as early as 2000 s.c. in the character of traders, and the Assyrians invaded Cilicia and drove the Mongols to the North in the ninth century B.C. Cyrus and his successors, following the Medes from the East, established the Persian sway in Asia Minor in the sixth century B.C., and the Greeks, mingling first with Phrygians (from whom, according to Herodotus, the Armenians were descended) and with other Asiatic Aryans who had preceded thorn from Europe, displaced the Persian rulers after the conquests of Alexander the Great in 334 B.C. PersoGreek civilisation continued to prevail, under Roman and Byzantine emperors, until the time of Turkish conquest by Alp Arslan (1063 A.D.), which resulted in the permanent settlement of a Turkish population in Asia Minor, in spite of the Greeks and Armenians who profited by the Crusades. The Seljuks have left many important remains in this region, as have the early Ottomans, after the transient victory of the Mongols under Timur. We have thus to consider in turn-first, the period vaguely called Pre• Hellenic,' ' Proto-Armenian,' or ' Syro-Asiatic' by various writers, which might better be defined as Kassite or Akkadian; second, the appearance of Semitic traders from Babylon; third, the inroads of the Assyrians; fourth, the establishment of the Aryans ; fifth, the Persian conquest; sixth, the Greek domination ; and after these the rule of the Romans and of the Turks. Cappadocia shared the same history, better known in other regions. It was on the southern highway to Ionia from Syria, and along its north

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