passed requiring that motions to print extra numbers of any document shall go to the Committee on Printing. The SPEAKER. The Chair decides that, under the rule of the House, the motion must lie over. The motion can be entered, but not acted upon. Mr. EVANS. Then I shall not press the matter further. I submit the motion that ten thousand extra copies be printed; and, acccording to the decision of the Chair, the motion will lie over. Mr. HOUSTON. I desire, before this matter has passed from before the House, to suggest to the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. EVANS,] whether it would not be better to order the usual number of copies to be printed now, and let the extra numbers lie over? I think it is better to take that course, and by the time the usual number are printed we can dispose of the extras. The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from Alabama make a motion? Mr. HOUSTON. Yes, sir. I move that the report do lie upon the table and be printed. The question was then put, and carried in the affirmative-ayes 117, noes not counted. The question then recurred upon the motion to adjourn. Mr. LETCHER asked that the motion be with- Mr. STEPHENS refused to withdraw. NOTICES OF BILLS. By Mr. WALSH: A supplement to the act of September 28th, 1850, entitled "An act granting bounty land to certain officers and soldiers who have been engaged in the military service of the United States," empowering the heirs at law of deceased officers and soldiers who held in their lifetime certificates not located, to locate the same in their own names. Also, a bill making the counterfeiting of bounty land certificates and other instruments of value, a criminal offence. Of Claims--Messrs. Brodhead, Whitcomb, Bayard, Pratt, Wade. On Revolutionary Claims-Messrs. Walker, Chase, James, Foot of Vermont, Sumner. On the Judiciary-Messrs. Butler, Downs, Bradbury, Berrien, Geyer. On Post Roads-Messrs. Rusk, Soulé, Hamlin, Upham, Morton. On Roads and Canals-Messrs. Bright, Rhett, Douglas, Spruance, Sumner. On Pensions-Messrs. Jones of Tennessee, Borland, Stockton, Foot of Vermont, Geyer. For the District of Columbia-Messrs. Shields, Bradbury, Norris, Berrien, Clarke. On Patents and the Patent Office-Messrs. Norris, James, Whitcomb, Dawson, Smith. On Retrenchment-Messrs. Bradbury, Bright, Felch, Mangum, Fish. On Territories-Messrs. Douglas, Houston, By Mr. STROTHER: A bill for the relief of the Orange Gwin, Cooper, Jones of Tennessee. and Alexandria Railroad Company. By Mr. COBB: A bill for the relief of W. J. Price, of PETITIONS. The following petitions were presented under the rule, and referred to the appropriate committees: By Mr. BOWNE: The petition of Thomas B. Cottrill, for compensation for damages sustained by seizure of the schooner Essex by the Mexican Government; and the petition of Edward Quinn, for increase of pension. Mr. STEPHENS. The Chair does not comprehend the point I suggested. "A proposition locating Virginia military land warrants, and returning surrequesting information from the President of the United States, or directing it to be furnished by 'the head of either of the executive departments, or by the Postmaster General," &c. That was the old rule. The amended rule then goes on to say: "or to print an extra number of any document, or other matter, excepting messages of the President to both Houses, at the commencement ' of each session of Congress, and the reports and 'documents connected with, or referred to in it," &c. The joint rule passed in 1846, requires that these documents shall be referred to the Committee on Printing. This is the rule that is to apply in this case; because this document, having been referred to in the President's message, forms one of the exceptions, and hence does not go over. By Mr. TAYLOR: The petition of H. J. D. Bruin and By Mr. CABELL of Florida: The petition of Antonio IN SENATE. MONDAY, December 8, 1851. Prayer by the Rev. C. M. Butler. Mr. EVANS. I would suggest, that by general consent, this motion to print ten thousand extra capies be referred to the Committee on Printing when that committee shall have been appointed. I am perfectly willing that disposi-morning: tion should be made of it. [Cries of "No objection!" "No objection!"] Mr. EVANS continued. I will say just one word to the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. HousTON] in relation to his suggestion, that the House first order the usual number of copies to be printed, and leave the extras to be disposed of afterwards. That gentleman will see that if we adopt his suggestion, and the House at some subsequent time order the extra number of copies to be printed, the type will have to be reset. Suppose we order the usual number of copies to be printed now, and the committee delay to report for some days: the type will have to be set up again, and we shall be put to double the expense. | The following Senators, in addition to those Mr. Rusk, from Texas; Mr. BELL, from Ten- COMMITTEES. Mr. BRIGHT. Mr. President, I believe the business of the Senate will be promoted by the appointment of our standing committees, which will supersede the necessity of laying business on the table, and hereafter again taking it up for reference. I therefore move that the 35th rule of the Senate be suspended, and that the gentlemen whose names will be found in the list which I send to the Chair, constitute the committees of the Senate for the present Congress. The 35th rule Mr. HOUSTON. That is supposing the com- provides that the election of chairmen and memmittee will not do its duty. I am perfectly will-bers of the committees shall be by ballot. I uning, however, that the motion shall go to the Com- derstand, however, that time can be saved and mittee on Printing. much trouble obviated. By the unanimous consent of the Senate the rule can be waived, and I hope, by general concurrence, the list which I send up will be adopted. The question was then taken, and the report was ordered to be laid upon the table. It was then, by general consent, referred to the Committee on Printing, when appointed. Mr. COBB. I now ask that the bill I sent to the Clerk's desk be read, and that it be put upon its passage. The necessity of its immediate passage will appear upon its face, and I trust there will not be a man upon this floor to oppose it. The SPEAKER said it required the unanimous consent of the House. Mr. CARTTER objected. Mr. COBB asked if it would be in order to move to suspend the rules? The SPEAKER replied in the negative, it not being in order to suspend the rules except on Mondays. Mr. COBB. I see the House is not in a state for action to-day. I withdraw my motion. [Laughter.] Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. I move that the House do now adjourn. Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, moved that when the House adjourns, it adjourn to meet on Tuesday next, to afford time to the Speaker to arrange the committees. [Cries of "No, no! let's meet on Monday."] Mr. GIDDINGS demanded the yeas and nays; but they were not ordered. There being no objection, the rule was sus- On Foreign Relations-Messrs. Mason, Douglas, On Finance-Messrs. Hunter, Bright, Gwin, On Commerce-Messrs. Hamlin, Soulé, Dodge On Manufactures-Messrs. Sebastian, Bayard, On Agriculture-Messrs. Soulé, Walker, Atchi- On Military Affairs-Messrs. Shields, Clemens, On the Militia-Messrs. Houston, Dodge of On Naval Affairs-Messrs. Gwin, Stockton, On Public Lands-Messrs. Felch, Shields, Dodge On Private Land Claims-Messrs. Downs, Whit- On Indian Affairs-Messrs. Atchison, Sebastian, On Public Buildings-Messrs. Whitcomb, Hunter, Clarke. On Printing-Messrs. Borland, Hamlin, Smith. To Audit and Control the contingent Expenses of the Mr. UNDERWOOD presented numerous petitions from the States of Missouri, Indiana, Vermont, Illinois, Alabama, Delaware, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. All the memorialists, he said, represent that they are grieved by the election of Chaplains to serve in the Congress of the United States; and they are further grieved, they say, by the appointment of Chaplains in the land and naval forces of the United States; they therefore beg that the subject may be taken into conslueration by the Senate, and steps adopted to get clear of these obnoxious appointments to them. I move that they be received, and for the present laid upon the table; which was agreed to. Mr. SEWARD presented the petition of Sarah Bennet, widow of Asahel Bennet, asking compensation for his services during the revolutionary war; which was referred to the Committee on Pensions. Also, of Gen. Hugh W. Dobbin, asking compensation for his services as an officer in the last war with Great Britain; which was referred to the Committee on Pensions. Also, of Hugh W. Page and other officers of the Navy, asking compensation in consideration of peculiar hardships and increased expenses to which they were subject while in California; and of the petty officers, seamen, and marines who served in the frigate Savannah during her cruise in the Pacific in 1849, asking additional pay; which were referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. Mr. BADGER presented the memorial of the President and Directors of the Raleigh and Gaston Railroad Company, asking á remission of the duties on certain railroad iron; which was referred to the Committee on Finance. Mr. GWIN presented a joint resolution of the Legislature of the State of California in relation to the Peon fund; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs. Also, in favor of an act of Congress refunding to the State the duties collected in her ports previous to her admission into the Union; which was referred to the Committee on Finance, and ordered to be printed. Also, instructing their Senators and requesting their Representatives to use their best efforts to procure the establishment of forts and the placing of troops along the borders of this State for the protection of the citizens against Indian incursions; which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed. Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi, presented the memorial of E. D. Reynolds, a Purser in the Navy, asking compensation for his services as a naval storekeeper at San Francisco, and to be allowed the pay of a Purser to a sloop-of-war for the time he performed the duties; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs. Also, from W. Henderlite, asking compensa. tion for services in carrying the mail; referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. ! PUBLISHED AT WASHINGTON, BY JOHN C. RIVES.-TERMS $3 FOR THIS SESSION. 32D CONGRESS, 1ST SESSION. Mr. DAVIS. I am requested to present the petition of William Cranch, Chief Justice of the District of Columbia, who represents that by an passed March 3, 1839, the duty of hearing peals from the decisions of the Commissioner of Fents was imposed on him as the Chief Justice of this District. From that time forward he has attended to this service, but by reason of his age and infirmities, he does not feel able at this time to discharge that additional duty, and he prays that he may be relieved from it by a modification of the law. I move that this petition be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. While I am up I beg leave to add a word more. This venerable gentleman, respected by all who know him, and who is a very competent man for the station which he occupies, has, during this period, for the compensation of $100, heard a great number of these appeals. That moderate compensation was put in the bill changing the mode of hearing the various questions that were raised by applicants for patents for inventions, and this compensation was fixed without knowing what was the extent of the duty. I have reason to think that the compensation is very inadequate. I hope that will be taken into consideration. The memorial was referred to the Judiciary Committee. Mr. DAVIS also presented the memorial of WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1851. Mr. GWIN presented a petition of Taverner, McKay, and others, of Carson Valley, California, representing that they had discovered a new route to California; but that, as it was disturbed by Indians, they proposed to protect emigrants on that route, for which service they ask that a tract of land may be ceded to them. The memorial was referred to the Committee on Public Lands. On the motion of Mr. SEWARD, the petition of Stephen Warren, which he presented last week, was taken from the table and referred to the Committee on Pensions. On the motion of Mr. CHASE, the petition of the land officers at Defiance, Ohio, which he presented a few days ago, was referred to the Committee on Public Lands. NOTICES OF BILLS. ask leave to introduce the following bills: A bill to allow exchanges of and granting addi- Worth; and A bill for the relief of Mark and Richard Bean. Mr. FELCH gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce the following bills: Winthrop Coffin, and Howard, Son & Co., pro-right of way and a donation of public lands for the posing to establish a line of steamers between Boston and New Orleans, and asking that they may be authorized to contract for carrying the mails between those ports; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs. A bill granting to the State of Michigan the construction of a ship canal around the Falls of St. Mary's, in said State; Mr. DOWNS presented the memorial of the police justices of the parish of Morehouse, Louisiana, asking a confirmation of the title of this parish to certain lands lying on the Bastrop grant; which was referred to the Committee on Public Lands Also, one of John Erwin, a settler on the Bastrop grant, asking to be allowed a section of Land in ea of what he had been dispossessed of by the United States; which was referred to the Com mmittee on Private Land Claims. Also, one of Thomas J. Durant, asking payrment of a balance due him on a settlement of his accounts, and that he may be authorized to institute a suit against the United States, for the purpose of obtaining a judicial decision of his claim; which was referred to the Committee on the Judi Clary. Mr. PEARCE presented the memorial of petty officers, seamen, and marines of the United States frigate Savannah, asking additional payment for services in California; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs. Mr. MILLER presented the memorial of citizens of Newark, New Jersey, asking the enactrent of a law giving further remedies for patentees; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. Mr. CASS presented the memorial of Hezekiah Miler, a clerk in the Indian Bureau, asking to be allowed certain arrears of pay. Also, of certain Hollanders, settlers in the Counties of Ottawa and Allegan, in the State of Michigan, asking an appropriation for the improvement of Black Lake Harbor, in that State; which was referred to the Committee on Com merce. Also, of David P. Weeks, a pensioner of the United States, asking to be allowed arrears of pension; which was referred to the Committee on Pensions. Mr. UNDERWOOD presented the petition of James Jeffries and P. M. Smith, asking to be released from a forfeiture incurred under a contract for carrying the mails; which was referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. Mr. DODGE, of Iowa, presented the memorial of the late and present receiver of the land office a: Dubuque, Iowa, asking additional compensaon for services in locating military bounty land warrants; which was referred to the Committee on Public Lands. A bill granting to the State of Michigan the right of way and a donation of public lands for the purpose of constructing a road from Saginaw to Montreal river, with a branch from the Grand river into the same; and A bill to extend the time for selecting lands granted to the State of Michigan for saline purposes. Mr. RHETT gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill to indemnify the State of South Carolina for money expended for the United States in the war in Florida with the Seminole Indians. Mr. MORTON gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill for the relief of Mrs. A. M. Dade, widow of the late Major F. L. Dade, United States Army. Mr. GWIN gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill to amend the act entitled "An act to provide for extending the laws and the judicial system of the United States to the State of California," passed 28th September, 1850. Mr. NORRIS gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill for the relief of Mrs. E. A. McNeil, widow of the late Gen. John McNeil. Mr. BERRIEN gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce the following bills: A bill to be entitled "An act to amend an act entitled 'An act to authorize notaries public to take and certify oaths, affirmations, and acknowledgments, in certain cases;'" and A bill to regulate the compensation of the district judge of the United States for the district of Massachusetts. ask leave to introduce a bill to change the time for Mr. HUNTER gave notice of his intention to holding the district courts of the United States in the western district of Virginia, and for other purposes. Mr. DOWNS gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill to aid the State of Louisiana in reclaiming the overflowed lands therein, and for other purposes. Mr. UNDERWOOD gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill to procure a revision of the acts of the Congress of the Uni ted States. PAPERS WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED. Ordered, That the petition and papers of Samuel F. Butterworth, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. On motion by Mr. MORTON, it was NEW SERIES....No. 3. Acken, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs. On motion by Mr. UNDERWOOD, it was Ordered, That the papers of Samuel M. Boots, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee of Claims. On motion by Mr. CLARKE, it was Ordered, That the petition and papers of William B. Green, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Commerce; the petition and papers of the heirs of Wm. Barton, be referred to the Committee on Pensions; and the documents relating to the claim of the State of Rhode Island, be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. On motion by Mr. HUNTER, it was Ordered, That the memorial of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad Company, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee of Claims. On motion by Mr. PEARCE, it was Ordered, That the petition and papers of William Hultman, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. On motion by Mr. MILLER, it was Ordered, That the petition of Jno. Moore White, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Revolutionary Claims. On motion by Mr. DODGE, of Iowa, it was Ordered, That the petition and papers of the heirs of John Rice Jones, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims. On motion by Mr. UPHAM, it was Ordered, That the petition of Ira Day, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads; and that the petition of Azel Spalding be referred to the Committee on Pensions. On motion by Mr. HAMLIN, it was Ordered, That the petition of John A. McGraw, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Commerce; also, that the memorial of the heirs of Judith Worthen be referred to the Committee on Pensions; also, that the memorial of Rufus Dwinel be referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. On motion by Mr. ATCHISON, it was Ordered, That Johnston Leykins have leave to withdraw his petition and papers. On motion by Mr. DOUGLAS, it was Ordered, That the memorial of William H. Topping, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee of Claims. On motion by Mr. BUTLER, it was Ordered, That William Rall have leave to withdraw his petition and papers. BILLS INTRoduced. Mr. CLEMENS, agreeably to notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill granting to the State of Alabama the right of way and a donation of public lands for making a railroad from Selma to the Tennessee river; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. Also, a joint resolution authorizing the President of the United States to confer the title of Lieutenant General by brevet for eminent services; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. obtained leave to introduce a bill to establish a Mr. GWIN, agreeably to notice, asked and navy-yard and depôt on the Bay of San Francisco; which was read twice, and referred to the Com mittee on Naval Affairs. Mr. UNDERWOOD, in pursuance of notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a joint resolution, explanatory of the act approved September 28, 1850, entitled "An act giving bounty land warrants to certain officers and soldiers who have been engaged in the military service of the United States;" which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. Mr. WALKER, agreeably to notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in the following bills; which were read a first and second time by their titles, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands: A bill to cede the public lands of the United States to the States respectively in which they lie situated, on condition that the said States shall severally grant and convey the said lands to actual occupants only, in limited quantities for cost of survey, transfer, and title muniments merely; A bill granting to the State of Wisconsin the right of way and a donation of the public lands for the purpose of locating and constructing a railroad from Milwaukie to Prairie la Crosse, in Wisconsin; and A bill granting to the State of Wisconsin the right of way and a donation of the public lands, for the purpose of locating and constructing a railroad from Fond du Lac to Janesville. OFFICERS OF THE SENATE. Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that he would move to amend the rules of the Senate as follows: The Secretary of the Senate, the Sergeant-at-Arms, the Doorkeeper, and Assistant Doorkeeper, shall be chosen on the third Monday of the present Congress, and on the second Monday of the first session of every succeeding Congress. BILLS REFERRED. All the bills laid on the table during the present session, were taken up and appropriately referred. RESOLUTION SUBMITTED.、 Mr. DAVIS offered the following resolution: Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate be instructed to complete the sets of statutes of the United States in use in the Senate, its offices, and Committee rooms, by adding thereto the 9th volume. eration. FLOGGING IN THE NAVY. Mr. HALE. I wish to move to lay that resolution on the table for the present, for the reason that I am not certain whether the abuse to which the resolution refers occurred before or subsequent to the passage of the act. the manner which I propose by this resolution that we shall receive Kossuth. I hope there will be no objection to considering this resolution at this time. Louis Kossuth is now amongst us. He is the guest of the country. Here he is at your door; and, as was said by the Senator from Michigan [Mr. CASS] the other day, it would seem very strange that we should turn our backs upon a distinguished man whom we have invited here. He was invited by the nation. He is the guest of the nation in some measure, and I can see no impropriety in receiving him in this simple manner. The resolution merely provides that he shall be introduced to the Senate, in the same manner that Lafayette was. I do not know whether I am transgressing the rules of the Senate in making these remarks at present. Perhaps I am; but there is one thing more which I wish to mention. If this distinguished man shall be received at all-if we perform this act of courtesy, it ought to be performed with something like a good grace. It is merely an act of courtesy, of high national courtesy; and if performed at all, it should be performed in the spirit of courtesy. I have heard objections to receiving this distinThe resolution submitted by Mr. HALE a few guished man from honorable Senators whom I days since, respecting violations of the law abol- esteem very highly-from my friend from Kenishing flogging in the Navy, came up for consid-tucky [Mr. UNDERWOOD] and others. Why, if Louis Kossuth ever goes to Kentucky, my word for it, he never received a more enthusiastic welcome than he will receive in that generous old State. Sir, if there is a place on earth where an exiled and unfortunate man would be received warmly, enthusiastically, and nobly, it is in that State. Take New Hampshire; would it not be the same there? Take Georgia; would it not be the same there? Yet, we are told that as there are other foreign exiles besides Kossuth, this would be setting a bad example, and, therefore, this honor ought to be refused. I can scarcely think the term "foreign exile" ought to be a name of reproach in the United States Senate. The motion was agreed to. INTER-OCEANIC CANAL. The following resolution was taken from the table and agreed to: Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to the Senate a dispatch addressed by Mr. Niles, late American Chargé d'Affaires to Sardinia, to the Hon. John M. Clayton, Secretary of State, on the subject of a ship canal to unite the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, having date 30th June, 1849, if in his to the public interest. The PRESIDENT. The Chair very unwil opinion such communication can be made without injury lingly interferes with the honorable Senator; but CHAPLAINS TO CONGRESS. The following resolution was also taken up and agreed to: Resolved, That two Chaplains be appointed to Congress during the present session, one by each House, who shail interchange weekly. RECEPTION OF KOSSUTH. Mr. SEWARD, pursuant to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce the following joint resolution: Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That the Congress of the United States, in the name and behalf of the people of the United States, give to Louis Kossuth a cordial welcome to the capital and to the country; and that a copy of this resolution be transmitted to him by the President of the United States. The resolution was read a first time and ordered to a second reading. Mr. SEWARD. I ask that it may now have its second reading. Mr. CLEMENS. Let it lie over. Mr. SHIELDS. I give notice that when this resolution comes up for consideration I shall move to substitute for it the resolution which was withdrawn the other day by the Senator from Mississippi. I ask that the amendment be laid upon the table. The PRESIDENT. It will be laid upon the table informally. Mr. SEWARD. I would suggest to the Senator from Illinois to move that both the resolution and the amendment be printed. Mr. SHIELDS. I ask leave to introduce the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed by the Chair to wait ou Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, and introduce him to the Senate. That, Mr. President, may supply the place of the resolution which has been offered by the Senator from New York, [Mr. SEWARD.] This is precisely according to the precedent in the case of Lafayette. As I understand the matter, on that occasion the joint committee, which had been appointed to receive him, reported that it was impossible for the two Houses to receive him by joint action; and each branch of Congress received Lafayette in its own way, this body receiving him in the first question is on considering the resolution. Mr. SHIELDS. If the Chair will permit me, I will terminate these irregular remarks by a single statement. The world is now looking to the action of this body and this Congress. The prayers of Hungary follow this man. The hopes of the liberal party in Europe follow him. In my humble opinion, he is the great man of this day. I feel that if there is one man who will carry out, what I hope will be carried out, the concentration of the moral force of this age against despotism, that man is Louis Kossuth. I think that is his mission-not to involve us in war, not to force us into intervention, but to combine, unite, and concentrate the moral force of the civilized world against the power of the oppression of the world. If we are to receive him at all, what can be more simple than that three Senators should take Louis Kossuth by the hand and introduce him to the Senate of the United States, that we may hear what he has to say for his, country and his cause? Let us hear him, at any rate. How are we to hear him? How is the Senate to receive him? I do not propose giving Louis Kossuth a governmental reception. What I propose is a mere act of courtesy, a mere honor to be paid to the representative of one of the oldest nationalities in the world-a nation that defended Christianity before this Union had an existence. I regret that the Senator from Mississippi [Mr. FOOTE] the other day withdrew his resolution. I feel, I know that every act of the Senate of the United States is weighed, and poised, and considered in every part of the civilized world. Although there is no one here who objects to Louis Kossuth, yet the withdrawal of such a resolution, the defeat of such a proposition, goes forth to the world as if the United States invited a man to the country, sent a national ship to bring him to the country, and then refused to give him the compliment of a reception. I have, in conclusion, to entreat the Senate to consider this resolution at this time. The PRESIDENT. It requires unanimous consent to consider the resolution at this time. Mr. UNDERWOOD. I wish to throw myself upon the indulgence of the Senate to make a few remarks, on account of the personal application, er, perhaps, to myself of some of the remarks of my friend from Illinois. It might be inferred from what he said, that I have intimated an indisposition to receive Louis Kossuth, and give him, as an individual, the hand of commendation. My object in rising is to state, that as an individual, as a man, no one, here or elsewhere, will receive Mr. Kossuth with more heartfelt admiration than myself; and I will venture to say for the people I represent, that if he should visit Kentucky, my constituency would receive him not only with that courtesy which belongs to a distinguished foreignbut with that admiration and sympathy which they believe is due to a man indoctrinated with the same principles of liberty which they themselves possess. But in the remarks which I made the other day, I endeavored to draw a distinction between what we ought to do individually as men, and what this Government ought to do as a Government, and this Congress ought to do as a Congress. I endeavored then to show that this was a subject, in all its relations, in all its bearings, which ought not to be introduced into the Congress of the United States. I think so still. I have made these remarks to put myself right in reference to the matter suggested by my friend from Illinois. I think he is altogether mistaken as to Kossuth's having been invited to come to this country; but that is a question which will come up when this resolution shall be before us for consideration. I do not think we ought to consider it now. Let the resolution take the usual course. The PRESIDENT. Then the resolution will lie over. ABD-EL-KADER. Mr. HALE gave notice that to-morrow, or some subsequent day of the session, he will ask leave to introduce a joint resolution requesting the President of the United States to cause a corre spondence to be opened with the President of the French Republic, the object of which shall be to interpose the friendly offices of the Government of the United States with that Government in behalf of the liberation of Abd-el-Kader. CENSUS PRINTING. Mr. BRIGHT, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a joint resolution in relation to the printing of the returns of the seventh census. It was read a first and second time.. Mr. BRIGHT. I move that it be referred to the Committee on Printing. Mr. BORLAND. I must object to referring this proposition to the Committee on Printing. I can see no necessity for a reference. This is not a subject involving the public printing. It is a question as to policy, of which I think the Senate is the proper judge. Mr. BRIGHT. I know of no committee of this body so appropriate as the Committee on Printing, to take charge of and report upon the joint resolution just read, and which I have offered with a full knowledge of the importance of having prompt action thereon. This printing ought to have been performed during the recess of Congress, and, but for the confused condition of this branch of the public service, would now have been on our tables. There is a necessity for legislation before this work can be done. I have named the individuals proposed to be contracted with, in order that the Committee on Printing, or any other committee the Senate may think proper to refer the joint resolution to, may ascertain their ability to go on with the work immediately, for delay lessens the value of the service to be performed in this case. I think the Committee on Printing is the more appropriate one, and hope the Senate will so direct. The motion to refer to the Committee on Printing was agreed to. THE COMPROMISE MEASURES. The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of the special order, being the resolution submitted by Mr. FOOTE of Mississippi, which he amended by substituting the words "faithfully observed," for the word "respected," in the last line; so that it stands as follows: A Resolution declaring the Measures of Adjustment to be a definitive settlement of the questions growing out of domestic slavery. Be it enacted, That the series of measures embraced in the acts entitled "An act proposing to the State of Texas the establishment of her Northern and Western boundaries, the relinquishment, by the said State, of all territory claimed by her exterior to said boundaries, and of al! her claims a the United States, and to establish a territorial gov ement for New Mexico," approved September 9, 1850; An act for the admission of the State of California into the Union," approved September 9, 1850; "An act to esablish a territorial government for Utah," approved Sepvaber 9, 1850; "An act to amend and supplementary to act entitled An act respecting fugitives from justice, mipersons escaping from the service of their masters, appared February 12, 1793," approved September 18, 1850; and "An act to suppress the slave trade in the District of Cumbia," approved September 20, 1850, commonly known as the "Compromise Acts," are, in the judgment of this body, entitled to be recognized as a definitive adjustment and settlement of the distracting questions growing eat of the system of domestic slavery, and as such, that said measures should be acquiesced in and faithfully obred by all good citizens. M. FOOTE of Mississippi. When I made up ay mind to introduce the resolution now under ederation, I did not expect to say anything in explanation of it. The phraseology in which it is couched is neither mysterious nor equivocal, and therefore I had cherished the hope that its immediate adoption by this body would take place, without any extended discussion upon the delicate questions involved therein. I trust still, most confidently, that no excited or angry debate will arise on this resolution, either here or elsewhere, and that the two Houses of Congress, by uniting promptly and cordially in the solemn declaration which has now been twice made by the President of the United States, that he considers the series of measures recognized as constituting the plan of adjustment-"as a final settlement, in principle and substance, of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embraced"-will do their part in securing an early restoration of the friendly and fraternal relations formerly existing between the different sections of this Confederacy, and thus aid, as far as it is in their power to do so, in the suppression of a dangerous and unseemly agitation, the former progress of which undoubtedly placed the institutions of the country in extreme peril, and involved the Republic itself in more or less of discredit. In departing from my original intention, and undertaking to address the Senate very briefly at the present time, my object is simply to prevent aysunderstanding touching my own motives, and counteracting certain misrepresentations in regard thereto, which I discover already to have been made. Mr. President, I cannot believe that there are many individuals in this body, who are prepared to declare their disapproval of the conduct of the President in twice deliberately and formally arrayang all the infuence of eminent station and high character in favor of a scheme of pacification and settletent which had previously received the approval of the two Houses of Congress, and to which he had Also imparted his own official sanction; but to which he was at the time aware that opposition of a serious and imposing character had been presented in different forms, and in opposite sections of the Republic. What was right in itself, and worthy of approbation in the President, will be equally proper on the part of Congress; and I am prepared to show, that still stronger reasons exist for such action as is proposed by this resolution than could be supposed legitimately to influence the miad of the Executive. The legislation of Congress upon the questions involved in the series of asures referred to in the resolution, was unfortunately in its progress surrounded by circumtances of a nature calculated to awaken more or less of doubt in regard to the real intentions and feelings of those who participated therein; and movements have subsequently occurred, not necessary here to be specified, which have called into existence in the minds of the friends of the Union grave apprehensions as to the intention of those who were originally opposed to the measures of comse to defeat, or at least seriously obstruct, the fitful execution of the same now and hereNier. The number of those thus opposed to these easures, it must be acknowledged, was in the Beginning by no means contemptible, and that aber fear has not so much diminished of late many over-sanguine persons imagine. It is unable that armed opposition to a certain porof these measures has occurred in more than A instance in particular vicinages, easy to be entioned; and it is equally certain that substanal resistance to other portions of this plan of settlement has been quite as extensively contemplated elsewhere. Sectional jealousies, which have existed now for many years past, are not yet as fully assuaged as all true patriots desire they Mr. President, I have not brought forward this alarm in the public mind in regard to the future action of both the parties referred to, touching the faithful execution of the scheme of compromise. I had hoped before I reached this city to find pared to repudiate all further connection with both the Whig and the Democratic party prefaction and its wretched devices. My mind had cherished the confident hope that at least the members of the Democratic party in Congress would be prepared to declare their determination to hold no alliance with any body of men pledged to resist the laws, or to keep alive agitation upon the subject of domestic slavery; and 1 yet trust that a course may be adopted by those gentlemen in Congress in whom I have heretofore confided, and with whom I have delighted to coöperate on great national occasions, more in unison with the ancient dignity of the Democratic faith, and less offensive to my own sense of propriety than certain proceedings which have of late gained a somewhat distressing notoriety. For my own part, Mr. President, I am resolved to hold no political fellowship with any association of men, by whatever name designated, whose opinions do not harmonize perfectly with the opinions of that noble body of lovers of the Union, whom I have the honor, for the present, alone to represent on this floor. What my worthy constituents think on this whole subject is so clearly and strongly set forth in the resolutions recently adopted by our State convention, that I shall ask leave to read them in hearing of the Senate: Resolutions of the Committee of Thirteen, reported to the State Convention. "Resolved, 1st, That, in the opinion of this Convention, the people of Mississippi, in a spirit of conciliation and compromise, have maturely considered the action of Congress embracing a series of measures for the admission of California as a State into the Union, the organization of territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico, the establishment of the boundary between the latter and the State of Texas, the suppression of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, aud the extradition of fugitive slaves, and connected with them the rejection of the proposition to exclude slavery from the Territories of the United States, and to abolish it in the District of Columbia; and whilst they do not entirely approve, will abide by it as a permanent adjustment of this sectional controversy. "Resolved, 2d, That we perceive nothing in the aboverecited legislation of the Congress of the United States which should be permitted to disturb the friendly and peaceful existing relations between the Government of the United States and the government and people of the State of Mississippi.' Convention, the people of the State of Mississippi will "Therefore, resolved, 3d, That, in the opinion of this abide by the Union as it is, and by the Constitution of the United States without amendments." "Resolved, further, 4th, That, in the opinion of this Convention, the asserted right of secession from the Union, on the part of the State or States, is utterly unsanctioned by the Federal Constitution, which was framed to 'establish' and not to destroy the Union of the States, and that no secession can in fact take place, without a subversion of the Union established, and which will not virtually amount in its effects and consequences to a civil revolution. "Resolved, further, 5th, That, whilst in the opinion of this Convention, such are the sentiments and opinions of the people of the State of Mississippi, still violations of the rights of the people of the State may occur which would amount to intolerable oppression, and would justify a resort to measures of resistance, amongst which, in the opinion of the Convention, the people of the State have designated the following: "Ist. The interference by congressional legislation with the institution of slavery in the States. "24. Interference with the trade in slaves in the States. "3d. Any action of Congress on the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with the safety and domestic tranquillity-the rights and honor of the slaveholding States. 4th. The refusal by Congress to admit a new State into the Union on the ground of her tolerating slavery within her limits. "5th. The passage of any law by Congress prohibiting slavery in any of the Territories. "6th. The repeal of the fugitive slave law, and the neglect or refusal by the General Government to enforce the constitutional provisions for the reclamation of fugitive slaves. Resolved, further, 6th, That, in the opinion of this Convention, the people in the recent elections have been governed by an abiding confidence that the said adjustment measures of Congress should be enforced in good faith in every section of the land. Resolved, further, 7th, That as the people of the State of Mississippi, in the opinion of this Convention, desire all further agitation of the slavery question to cease, and have acted upon and decided all the foregoing questions, there by making it the duty of this Convention to pass no acts within the purview and spirit of the law under which it was called, this Convention deems it unnecessary to refer to the people, for their approval or disapproval at the ballot-box, its action in the premises. "Resolved, further, 8th, The Convention having declared in the foregoing resolutions, the position which the people of Mississippi have taken, and which, in the opinion of this Convention, they will continue to occupy, on the great sub jects embraced in the resolutions, deems it a duty alike incumbent on us and equally important to the rights of the people to declare that, in our deliberate judgment and in their deliberate judgment, as we believe, the call of this Convention by the Legislature at its late extraordinary session by the act of the 30th of November, 1850, was unauthorized and unnecessary, and that said act in peremptorily ordering a Convention of the people of the State to be held, without submitting to them to be settled by the popular vote of the State, the question whether there should be a Convention or no Convention, was an unwarranted assumption of power by the Legislature, at war with the spirit of republican institutions, and an encroachment on the sovereign power of the people." that the circumstance of their being absent when the yeas and nays were taken on the final passage of the bill has been seized upon by certain persons in the South, hostile to the public repose, and wielded with great effect against the supporters of the plan of compromise, and to the serious endangerment of the Union itself. Besides, honorable Senators need not to be reminded that declarations are constantly made by the enemies of the Union, in different States of the South, that great danger exists of attempts being successfully made, at some future period, by our fellow-citizens of the North, to apply the Wilmot proviso to our vacant Territories, and to overthrow, by Congressional legislation, the system of slavery in the District of Columbia. I have no such apprehension myself, and I know very well that the time has forever passed when either of the measures referred to could receive the sanction either of this body or of the House of Representatives. But until a formal declaration shall be made, in some such mode as that now proposed, of a determination to refrain from these acts of aggression, formerly so seriously menaced, it is unreasonable to expect all uneasiness on these points entirely to cease. I have now, Mr. President, stated a few of the most prominent reasons which induced me to offer this resolution, and I will conclude what I have to say for the present, by declaring the high gratification which I shall feel at its obtaining the general support of the members of this body. I shall say nothing more, unless the resolution should be attacked in such a manner as to make some special defence of it necessary. These resolutions, Mr. President, as all present know, were adopted by an overwhelming majority of the body in which they originated—there being in fact only three voices raised in the Convention in opposition to them. Now, sir, you discover that the sovereign people of Mississippi have formally and deliberately declared, that whilst they do not entirely approve" the acts referred to in the first of the resolutions just read, yet they will abide by the whole series of these acts as "a permanent adjustment of the sectional controversy" which has been so long pending. You will observe, sir, also, that our Convention has declared further in the sixth resolution, that the people of Mississippi, "in the recent elections, have been 'governed by an abiding confidence that the said adjustment measures of Congress would be en'forced in good faith in every section of the land." Such, sir, is the attitude of the people of Mississippi, and they have thought proper thus to make a public avowal of their opinions and expectations. They have adjudged the measures of compromise worthy of their approval, and they have determined to stand by them firmly and faithfully. Mr. BUTLER. Mr. President, I do not proThey have not attempted to mystify their position, pose to say much upon this subject at this time; or to conceal their views and wishes in any respect but I will say that when I heard of this resolution, whatsoever. They have a right to expect equal I heard of it with surprise. It is a mode of profrankness and fidelity to be exercised by their fel-ceeding scarcely known, I believe, in any deliblow-citizens in other portions of the Confederacy.erative body that I ever heard of. To introduce Through me they request at this moment, from the Senatorial representatives of the co-States of the Union here assembled, a declaration of the willingness of those under whose authority they act, firmly and faithfully to stand by and maintain the plan of adjustment in all its parts. Will honorable Senators speak out, boldly and explicitly on this important subject? or will they, by remaining silent, permit themselves and their constituents to he misunderstood among those whose earnest wish it is to reciprocate friendly sentiments with them, and to be allowed to approve them, and to confide fully in them as just men and as patriots? Let no member of the Senate, Mr. President, from the South say that our northern brethren need no additional assurance from us of our determination to acquiesce in and support the compromise. Events have occurred, as all truthful men will confess, calculated to awaken more or less of doubt as to the position likely to be assumed ultimately by the Southern States of the Union. Let no Senator from the North, either, declare that the people of the South have no right to demand from their fellow-citizens of that section of the Confederacy such an assurance as that imbodied in the resolution under consideration. Every intelligent man in America knows the fact, that the number of active politicians in the Northern States is by no means inconsiderable, who stand pledged to agitate for the modification or repeal of the fugitive slave law, as it is called. There are men now in Congress-men who are sometimes, as rumor asserts, permitted to come into party caucuses too-who are not only committed to future agitation in opposition to this law, but who are known to have solemnly declared their opinion to be that it is wholly unconstitutional in all its material provisions. Besides, Mr. President, it is a fact well recollected by us all, and one which has been the source of much complaint and apprehension in the South, that only a small number of the members of this body representing the free States of the North were actually present at the passage of this law, so that their votes could be recorded in its favor. I am perfectly aware that several of the gentlemen referred to were only accidentally absent, and perhaps all of them had some reason for not being present, other than an unwillingness to be recognized by their constituents as being friendly to this great and essential measure. Indeed, I believe most of them had previously declared their determination, either in converse or otherwise, to support the bill. But it is, notwithstanding, true, at a subsequent session of the Legislature resolutions confirming what I suppose must be regarded as statutes upon the statute-book, is an ex post fucto mode of reviewing the past. And for what purpose? If the legislation referred to by the honorable Senator from Mississippi be wicked, can he restore purity to it by a resolution of this kind? If that legislation be wise, is it not supererogatory and unnecessary to introduce such a resolation? For what purpose, then, is the resolution introduced? I have no right to arraign the gentleman's motives, nor do 1. What may have been his object, I have no right to dispute, for he has avowed it; but as to what will be the effect of this resolution, I have a right to speak. If the gentleman had been selecting motions to introduce, he could not have been more successful in introducing one to open former discussions, and to let loose upon this land the waters of agitation. I protest against this mode of proceeding as unusual, as unnecessary, and as-I will not say intended, because I shall not use any word of the kind but the tendency of which will be to widen breaches which already exist, and to reach feelings that might perhaps have subsided under the influence of time or a better understanding among ourselves. I understand the honorable Senator from Mississippi to introduce the resolution with a view to give to the measures of compromise an authority which they do not possess by the act of legislation conducted with all the forms which the Constitution requires. Can he expect to do so? Can he give them any other authority-any other influence by a vote of this Senate than they would have had without it? Can he reconcile me to these measures by his vote or the vote of his friends? Sir, he knows the opinion I entertain of these measures, and the manner in which they were introduced and passed in this body. I then denounced them. I now denounce them; because I believe that they have made a precedent in the political history of this country, under the influence of which this Union, wielded by a despotic majority, will survive the Constitution. I believe now, as I believed then, that they were passed in violation of the spirit of the guarantees calculated to protect one section of this Union. Does the gentleman suppose that the South is to have security by an assurance such as he proposes? Does he expect that I, who have heretofore denounced these measures, shall now consent to put upon them the seal of approbation, and to kiss the rod of oppression, as I have regarded it? Sir, I cannot, with Druidical devotion, worship at the foot of a tree whose fruits are to be bitterness and destruction to my posterity. If there is any one thing in the political history of this country that will be developed by time, it will be this: that the Constitution of the United States never can be amended. I think it may be proclaimed as a settled fact, that the Constitution, which has been in operation for more than sixty years, never will be amended. And why? Because as soon as we meet with any difficulty from the administration of the Government-as soon as any trying juncture of affairs is presented-what is the expedient? Do we apply that great principle provided for in the Constitution of the United States, by which it can be amended? No, sir. The resort is to compromise, or to enlarging, by construction, some of the provisions of the Constitution. Who is it that will dictate compromises of this kind, and give to the Constitution its character under their operation? Will it be the minority? Will it be those whose interests have suffered and whose interests are in danger? sir. Whenever constitutions have to be patched up by compromises, or to be changed by construction, depend upon it, such propositions will never come from a minority. All expedients of that kind will proceed from a majority-the majority who have the temptation of interest to consult in giving character to the institutions of the country. No, I am unwilling to go further into this debate at this time, except to protest against this mode of attempting to influence the deliberations of another assembly in my own State. I was in hopes that they would be allowed to deliberate the great question which they are called upon to consider fairly, and under auspices favorable to the protection of those whose rights have been violated, in my opinion, and whose political existence will be doomed, if expedients of this kind are to be submitted to by those who represent that section of the country. Will the honorable gentleman tell me that our institutions are not in danger, when he tells us that the billows of the free-soil agitation are already beating upon the base of the Constitution? When he tells me that our institutions are in danger from agitation of this kind, does he expect to give me security by having a vote in favor of measures which I have heretofore denounced and made war upon, and shall continue to denounce and make war upon, as our fathers made war on the alien and sedition laws, as long as I believed they had been framed in a spirit unfavorable and unfriendly to the rights and institutions of those whom I represent? If this discussion had not been commenced, I do not think I should have opened my mouth upon this subject during this session of Congress, and I have uttered these few sentences to let the gentleman know my position, and to let him know the opinions entertained by more than myself. It may be that by singing his peans to the Union he may hush for a moment the tumult and opposition of those who would never have made war upon it if it had not been patched up and patched up by compromise, and compromise, and compromise! From whom do these compromises come? Never from the weaker portion. Sir, I believe that the Southern people are a doomed people if proceedings of this kind are allowed to go forth. God knows there is no man upon earth who would go further than myself to prevent anarchy, and hostility, and blood, and violence in this age of reason, intelligence, and wisdom, to effect any reforms. It is alien to the genius of our institutions and the spirit of the common law of England, to effect any reform by violence and civil war. But if the Southern people and the Southern Representatives are not more united, I cannot answer for consequences. these measures, which are intended, I suppose, to be somewhat improved by this indorsement, are intrinsically good, I cannot perceive any advantage to be derived from this resolution: It does look to me very much as if the gentleman was following the example of Lycurgus, who, after making laws, imposed on those who were to obey, them the injunction that they were never to be changed If Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. Until he returned. Mr. BUTLER. Perhaps the Senator is going away, wishing to leave injunctions like those which Lycurgus left. Mr. FOOTE, of Mississippi. I shall certainly come back. Lycurgus did not return. |
