importance. His judgment was confufed, headlong, and abrupt, At the fame time he was perfonally difinterefted. And the partiality which every man feels for his own talents, may well be fuppofed to have hindered him from suspecting that the defire he felt, to engross the direction of affairs could possibly be productive of any detriment to his country.'

Lord Bute. His temper was reclufe and referved. The sciences, to which he was attached, were those that confift in cold and minute investigation. He was hesitating, prevaricating, and timid; the qualities that form the difcriminating character of a student. The library, and not the cabinet, was the fcene for which nature had deftined him. In the mean time he was fenfible to the goad of ambition. With that conceit of his own talents, which folitude is calculated to infpire, he formed no lefs a plan than to drive from the helm of affairs the most popular-I had almost said, the ableft minifter by whom it was ever guided; and to feize once for all the government of a mighty kingdom.'

Marquis of Rockingham. He was "mild but determined." Without poffeffing the elevation of genius, his views of every subject were illuminated with the rays of virtue, and afcertained with the manliness of truth. When all about him was uproar and confusion, rubea beaven from above threatened, and earth trembled under bis feet, he was perfectly ferene and collected. Eftranged to the violence of the paftions, his meafures were dictated by the pureft benevolence.'

Lord North. If this nobleman had never poffeffed fo confpicuoUS a poft, one may almoft venture to fay his abilities would never have been thought of. His politics have furely had fufficient trial; and the event hath decided upon their merit. His boafled skill in finance feems to have partaken of the nature of fairy money; and when it was called into ufe, vanished from the touch. If he had any abilities, it appears to have been in debate. At the fame time, his voice was harth, and his manner unwieldy. His fpeeches were never illuminated by one ray of genius; and when he aimed at animation, he became an object for laughter. But he poffeffed a fleepiness and a phlegm from which it was juft poffible for him to be roufed. The Philippics of Oppofition feldom broke in upon his repofe. And as they fimply played upon the furface of his brain, without wounding his mind, he was able to retort them with a buffoonery that was admired, because it was unresembled. He had the first-rate quality of being able to talk long without embarrassment. He was able too to flate a matter of complicated calculation with confiderable clearness. In this refpect, the day in which he opened the budget was the very acme of his glory! In fome things his Lordship refembled Mr. George Grenville, one of his predeceffors. Lord Chatham had ever confidered this man as a ufeful drudge; and acknowledged, that he had been frequently indebted to his refearches. Lord North had ferved the witty, the volatile Mr. Charles Townshend in the fame capacity: and that gentleman is faid to have entertained a fimilar contempt for him. In one refpect, however, the nobleman in question was perfectly oppofite to his predeceffor. Mr. Grenville was fhrewd, fagacious and inflexible. Lord North feemed to have no fentiments of his own. He maintained, with the fame unvaried countenance, a fyftem to day the

very oppofite of the fyftem of yesterday. Like the Defdemona of Othello's distempered imagination, he could "turn and turn, and yet go on." He seems to have had no objection to the execution of meafures, which at the fame time he profeffed to disapprove. I am afraid, this is the very worst feature that can belong to a political cha racter."

At the conclufion of this work, the Author exerts all his powers to delineate his favourite character. Here fancy ftrains ber wing, and invention is on the rack, for colours to gild it. The eye is, however, dazzled by the glare thrown on it; and turns away with wearinefs and difguft.

The following panegyric on Lord Chatham's eloquence is fufficient, in the judgment of all cool and difpaffionate Readers, to juftify the cenfure we have paffed on this Hiftorian's manner of writing, when brimfull of his GODLIKE' hero! It clofes the volume, and with it we fhall close our account of it.

• Pofterity will hardly be perfuaded that in the meagrenefs of modern times a Demofthenes fhould have existed without his schines, and a Cicero without an Hortenfius and a Cæfar. Pofterity will hardly be perfuaded that one man could have concentered the arduous characters of the greatest fatefman and the most accomplished rbeterician that ever lived. [Rhetorician!] In a word, pofterity will with difficulty believe the felicity of Britain; that Lord Chatham was among the orators, what Shakespeare is among the poets of every age. The child of Fancy, he warbled his irregular notes, that Nature gave," with fo fweet a grace, as turned the cheek of envy pale, and drove refinement and trammelled fcience into coward flight. Honeyed mufic dropped unbroken from his lips. Had he, like his great predeceffor, addreffed his effufions to the troubled waves, the troubled waves had fufpended themselves to liften. [Forget not, Reader, that this is a biflory!] His lips were cloathed with infpiration and prophecy. Sublimity on his tongue fat fo enveloped in beauty, that it feemed unfconscious of itself. It fell upon us unexpected; it took us by surprise, and, like the fearful whirlpool, it drew every understanding and every heart into its vortex.'

The Author refts his appeal with POSTERITY.-Pofterity will fay much of Lord Chatham; but not a word of this Hiftory of his Life.

ART. VIII. Four Letters on important national Subjects: addreffed to the Right Honourable the Earl of Shelburne. By Jofiah Tucker, D. D. Dean of Gloucefter. 8vo. 28. Cadell. 1783.

fprinkled with a little theology, and dafhed frequently with abufive acrimony-efpecially when the Dean views the lift of Lockian heroes- the doughty champions of the republican cause!' His refentment, we perceive, gets the better of the contempt he affecs for his numerous anfwerers; and be

cause

cause he is fore from their attacks, he calumniates their prin ciples. By the help of that equivocal phrafe REVOLUTIONAL PRINCIPLES [which never ought to fignify any thing more than that the governed, in cafes of the laft extremity, and after all other means have been tried in vain, have a right to have recourse to their laft remedy, namely, to depofe their governors, and chuse others], I fay by the help of thefe ambiguous words, fuch doctrines have been inceffantly cultivated, as tend to overturn every government upon earth, without erecting or establishing any." Though a good argument will maintain its ground without the help of metaphors, fimilies, and allufions, yet, when properly introduced, they are always confidered as an ornament. They illuftrate, if they do not prove. In this view, we cannot fufficiently admire the beauty and force of the following comparifon. The Sun is twelve months in performing its revolution: the Moon is one month. But, if our modern doctrines should prevail, if the arbitrium popularis aura is to be the only regulator' and what then?" Why, undoubtedly, the course of "the Sun and Moon will be altered as often as the reftlefs and "capricious fpirit of republicanfm hall think proper."-Very true. But what Sun and Moon do you fuppofe fubject to these untoward viciffitudes?" Why, the Sun and Moon fpoken of "before."- Read on and you will find another Sun and another Moon conjured up like fpirits from the vafly deep. If the arbitrium popularis aura is to be the only regulator of the revolution of our political Suns and Moons, probably the government must be changed as often as once a fortnight, if not oftener.' What a fine thing is a fimile!

The firft Letter gives an account of fome private converfation between Lord Shelburne and Dean Tucker, at his Lordship's feat in Wiltshire; in which the one vainly boafted of the confequence of the great ftatefman, and the other proudly affected the difinterested nefs of the flurdy patriot. Having confidered America as much indebted to the illuftrious band, the boncurable fraternity, of which his Lordfhip hath been a moft diftinguifhed member,' the Dean puts in his claim for a fhare in the honour. I am glad of the general event, though not of the particular circumftances attending it, as the moft flaming republicans: I fay, I am glad that America hath declared herself independent of us, though for reafons very oppofite to their's. America, I have proved beyond the poffibility of a confutation, ever was a millftone hanging about the neck of this country to weigh it down and as we ourselves had not the wisdom to cut the rope, and to let the burden fall off, the Americans have kindly done it for us.'

The Dean very often throws his prophecies in our teeth.Did I not tell you fo?-But though fo fage and oracular with

refpe&

refpect to America, he hath the modefty to declare, that the fate of Ireland hath not been fo clearly revealed to him. He is reduced to fimple conjecture: but conjecture feems at laft to grow into prediction; for a man given to prophecy cannot avoid fuch emphatic hints, as fhew at least what he thinks of himself, though he qualifies it by faying" You may think as you pleate, but-"

But What? Where is the mighty wonder?

Do not the hift'ries of all ages
Relate miraculous prefages

Of strange turns in the world's affairs
Foreseen by aftrologers, footh fayers,
Chaldeans, learned Genethliacks,
And fome that have writ almanacs?

HUDIBRAS.

The fecond Letter treats of the evil confequences of debafing the regal influence, and exalting the ariftocratical or the popular beyond their due proportion. In this paper the Dean makes use of the argumentum ad hominem-particularly under the head of Influence. Influence is infeparable from the conduct of human affairs. It is effential to government. Lord Shelburne hath two boroughs; Lord Rockingham two; Lord Holland one, &c. &c. &c. Good influence ought to be encouraged: bad influence ought as much as poffible to be difcouraged.' But who are to judge when it is good and when it is bad? This queftion would as much embarrals the Dean, as another formed on his own conceffion, refpecting the interference of the governed in cafes of the last extremity. When may an extremity be called the laft? Who are to judge and determine in this cafe? What number of the governed may warrant the depofition of the governor? How are we to take an eftimate of that number? Let the Dean fpecifically answer these questions; and let him take care of the argumentum ad hominem. Let him take care left he, who by propofition is a Tory, fhould, unfortunately, by inference, turn out a Whig!-a doughty champion of republicanifm - a member of the illuftrious band of Lockian heroes! How (to use his own words) would he like fuch revolutional principles as these? Ex ore tuo!"

The third Letter treats of the manifold bad confequences of disturbing the public peace and tranquillity, under the pretence of fecuring a more equal reprefentation of the people in parlia ment. Here the Dean makes a speech ;-but he doth not appear to feel who is the chief object of ridicule. Not the lodgers, inmates, footmen, watermen, bargemen, black-fhoes, chimney-fweepers, who have all, all a right, an unalienable right, to vote'--and will the Dean deny that they have this right in fome of the most important boroughs in the kingdom?

Do

Do not perfons of this very defcription make up a large part of the voters in the prefent mode of representation? Why then laugh at any attempts to reform it, when it is got into fuch bad hands? Would he have it still remain, in any place, at the difpofal of the very dregs of the people? Muft lodgers, and bargemen, and black fhoes, and chimney-fweepers have votes, and men of real property and credit have none?-Ex tuo ore:--and whom mayMajor Cartwright, and Co.' laugh at now?—The Doctor, though an adept at the argumentum ad hominem, may find his match.

The fourth Letter treats of the evil confequences arifing from the propagation of Mr. Locke's democratical principles-the Mr. Locke whom the Dean's late friend, the Bishop of Bristol, calls "a friend to liberty both civil and religious :" and who, we believe, will still maintain his credit, and be revered as one of the best and wifeft of mankind, notwithstanding all the MALIGNANT efforts of this writer to infult his memory, and blacken his reputation. If our indignation was not checked by our contempt, we should tranfcribe the whole letter; for we think it need only be read to be condemned, by every person who hath a heart to love mankind, and a head to diftinguish their trueft intereft.

The Dean attempts to bring the reafonings of the Lockians to an abfurdity, by pufhing their principles to the utmoft extreme. This he attempts to do by the following arithmetical process:

Eight millions of people are reprefented in parliament by 558 deputies. Many of thefe 8,000,oco are fuch infants that they cannot speak plain. Thefe, it is to be hoped, may without offence be ftruck off from the voting lift. Next to thefe are to be claffed all idiots and lunatics; for they likewife cannot be deemed to be moral agents. And I will do the Lockians the joftice to acknowledge, that when they infiled fo much on the natural and indefeatible rights of mankind, they meant only the rights of that part of mankind who are moral agents, and therefore capable of making a choice of their Own. Granting this, the number of actual voters, or of those who, according to the Lockian hypothefis, ought to be deemed actual voters, will be confiderably diminished; perhaps a fourth part. But not to flick at little difficulties we will fuppofe fo many to be ftruck off as will reduce the number to 5,580,000 moral agents, male and female. This gives exactly 1000 períons to vote for each representative. And then fome reafon cught to be affigned why one thoufand voters are fitter to make a worthy choice than one hundred. For my part, I can think but of one pretence for this equalizing scheme which hath not been confuted already :-and that is, that a thousand octers always difplay more wifdom and judgment in the choice they make, than one hundred can be fuppofed to do. This, I own, would effectually reconcile us to the measure, could the fact be as easily proved as it can be afferted. But there lies the difficulty. And I do

not