claring that the conduct of the President, M. Castro y Orozco, in convening the Chamber, had been anti-constitutional. This statement occasioned the greatest confusion. M. Pezuela, after vainly attempting to address the House, was preparing to leave it, when the President ordered him to be stopped. This arrest increased the confusion, and it was long before order was restored. M. Castro y Orozco vindicated his conduct in convening the Chambers, and for ordering the arrest of M. Pezuela. A vote was afterwards taken, and the course adopted by the President was approved by a majority of 111 to 41. Explanations were then demanded as to the state of the Ministry. M. de Miraflores replied, that the Cabinet was not aware of the existence of any circumstance calculated to endanger its stability. The Queen had neither directly nor indirectly intimated that she was disposed to withdraw her confidence; had the slightest symptom of distrust been exhibited, the Ministry would have resigned on the instant. The discussion was then adjourned, but the Queen sent for her Ministers the same evening, and having expressed her dissatisfaction at what had occurred in the Chamber, proposed to issue a decree for its dissolution. To this they declared their opposition, and immediately tendered their resignations, which were accepted; and the Queen nominated General Narvaez (Duke of Valencia) Minister of War, and authorized him to form a Cabinet. Next day the new Ministry was gazetted, and consisted of the following members:-General Narvaez, President of Council and Minister of War; General Narvaez, Minister (ad interim) of Foreign Affairs; Gene

ral Don Juan de Pezuela, Minister of Marine and Colonies; Don Pedro Egana, Minister of Grace and Justice; Don Francisco de Paula Orlando, Minister of Finance; Don Javier de Burgos, Minister of the Home Department.

The character of the new Government was at once revealed by the immediate promulgation of two Royal decrees, by the first of which the sitting of the Cortes in the present Session was suspended, and by the other, rigorous restrictions were imposed upon the liberty of the press.

At the same time Narvaez and his colleagues published in the official organ a manifesto of their future policy, from which we give a few extracts, as affording the best explanation of the views and intentions of the new rulers of Spain.

"The periodical press, which ought to be a school of morality, a medium of instruction, saving a few honourable exceptions, is no longer but a stream of scandal, and a firebrand thrown every day in the midst of the defenceless population, for the purpose of inflaming it, and reducing it to ashes. Vain have been the repeated attempts made to apply a remedy for the purpose of saving the press from the effects of its own excesses; following the impulse it received from the first momentum, now knowing no bounds, it has thrown itself into a bottomless abyss, and when after times of danger, when it had rendered itself useful as a means of warfare, it was hoped that it would contribute to the reorganization of society; the press not only does not abandon its aggressive habits, but, adopting a new course, it puts itself at the disposal of bad passions and private interests, leads astray the opinion of the multitude,

already enough prejudiced by inclination and by habit against Governments of short duration, or bad ones, which they have seen succeed each other. The remains of obedience and of the holy respect due to the throne of our Kings, saved as by a miracle from revolutionary broils--these remains have begun to be objects of attack, from those who not long since laboured with a patriotic and noble energy and self-denial to save them. This conspiracy advancing openly against all authority, attacking the reputation of all, has necessarily produced bitter results. Intrigues cunningly got up have even imbued reasonable and rational persons with the venom of distrust and schism. Lies, calumnies, and scandal, have not been spared for the purpose of unpopularizing the Throne if possible, and creating hatred against all surrounding it. A credulous simplicity, and an imprudent patriotism on the one hand, vulgar pride on the other, puerile fears, a bad direction given to our most noble feelings, forgetfulness of or want of faith in the principles on which the stability of thrones rests, and especially the general disorder of ideas, have brought us to such a state, that if it were to continue for any time, it would drag public order, the Throne, and our institutions, into a common ruin. The duty of saving these precious objects, and sparing to future time such humiliations as the revolutionary spirit one day attempted to inflict on the granddaughter of St. Ferdinand, has placed her Majesty under the necessity of taking advice on the critical state of the nation. Her Majesty having, therefore, called upon the parties subscribed to the present manifesto, they have with

At

out one moment's hesitation taken upon themselves to face the dangers of such a state of things, fortunately but of transition, and they are ready to oppose the enemies of order, under whatever disguise, to fight against them until they shall be vanquished, to restore the balance between the public authorities which has been destroyed, and to cement on a broad basis the peace of the kingdom, veneration for the Throne, and respect for the institutions which the august Sovereign seeks to preserve whole, for the glory and honour of Spaniards. The intentions of the present Cabinet are sincere, and it explains them clearly, because it seems to it to be patriotic and noble. tached to constitutional government, and seeing it dwindle away in the hands of intrigue and corruption, the Cabinet seeks to save it by rendering it more moral; a reverential worshipper of the Throne, the most ancient and popular institution of Spain, it intends to uphold it in the free exercise of its prerogative, and to keep it in public estimation at the elevated situation it ought to hold-the present Cabinet will not suffer the envenomed shafts of party to reach the Throne. A child of its own time, the Cabinet cannot oppose reforms. It will respect, consolidate, and, furthermore, it will zealously work to put the last stamp of stability to interests created under the shadow and under the protection of the laws; but it will, at the same time, respect the sentiments which history and tradition have given to the national character; and, by having due respect for that which Spaniards have always venerated, and which men will never cease to reverence, it will see that the regu

lar and suitable support of religion (Catholic) and its ministers be a truth. The Cabinet will adopt as the basis of its administration, morality, economy, order, vigorous and rapid action, and at the same time protection to all lawful interests. In future none of these interests shall apply in vain to the Government. The moral interests shall be secured by the carrying on and immediately accomplishing the re-organization already begun of all the branches of public service. Material interests will also not be lost sight of, by daily satisfying that call for improvement which is the peculiar characteristic of our times. As to the finances, a portion of the public expenditure will, from this moment, be as far reduced as possible, certain burdens will be made lighter, and it will be endeavoured to reconcile the wants of the service with the respect due to engagements of another nature, which are a charge on the Treasury. The need which the new Cabinet has of glory, may serve as a warranty that its promises will be fulfilled. In a short time the Cabinet will, under its responsibility, give a strong impulse to the object, the settlement of which the varying and stormy course of irritating political discussions has prevented for so many years; and when, by any measure, it shall outstrip the limits of its constitutional powers, it will submit its conduct to the Cortes, founding its defence upon necessity, and its excuse in its success. Such are the views of the Ministry, exposed frankly, with their motives, their means of execution, and their final object. To bring them to a good end, without throwing the country into lamentable convulsions, Her Majesty's

strengthen the Government, and all their efforts tend to strengthen it. Resolved to oppose moral and real anarchy, which rears its head in all parts of the monarchy, Ministers will not shrink from salutary measures, however harsh they may seem under sad circumstances. No disorder, no attempt at creating disorder, shall go unpunished. Public functionaries, whatever may be their rank, who shall act contrary to the plans of the Cabinet, who shall renew those fatal examples of weakness and concession which have caused such prejudice to the peace and prosperity of the nation, shall forthwith be dismissed, and if the cause requires it, severely punished. On the contrary, honest, laborious, and capable functionaries, whatever may have been their previous political opinions, will always find in the Government of Her Majesty unreserved protection and support. In order to insure, in all respects, and immediately, obedience to the measures which it has ripened in its mind, and which Her Majesty has approved, the Cabinet relies upon a numerous, disciplined, and loyal army, on the judgment and tried wisdom. of the nation, and the strength which its noble undertaking, as well founded for these reasons as holy from its object, will afford. "DUKE OF VALENCIA,

The Minister of War, Pre-
sident of the Council.
"PEDRO EGANA,

The Minister of Grace and
Justice.

"FRANCISCO ORLANDO,

The Minister of Finances. "JUAN DE LA PEZUELA,

The Minister of Marine. "XAVIER DE Burgos,

The Minister of the Interior.

The decree directed against the press consisted of seven articles, of which the first three were the following:

66 Article 1.-Attacks and offensive expressions printed in a journal against my Royal person, or against my family, or against foreign sovereigns, or the princes of their families, or against the constitution and the laws of the country, or against the free exercise of my constitutional prerogative, or against the present decree, before it is decided on by the Cortes, shall be punished by the immediate and final suppression of the journal.

"Article 2.-Attacks against public functionaries, as well in respect to their actions in private life, as such as shall consist in wickedly attributing to them bad intention in their official acts, shall be punished by the temporary sus pension of the journal.

"Article 3.-Writings having for their object to excite to disobedience of the laws, or to contempt of the Government and its measures, shall be liable to the same penalty.'

It is remarkable that no ebullition of popular feeling was manifested at the advent of a Ministry to power which seemed resolved to govern by coups d'état, and put a stop to the discussion of all measures of state policy. But it did not continue to outrage public opinion long, as it proved to be more ephemeral than even that which it had succeeded. Although it is not easy to unravel political intrigues in Spain, and arrive at correct conclusions as to the causes which produce so often a "Ministerial crisis" at Madrid; it was generally believed that the rock upon which the new Government

was shipwrecked was the enmity which had sprung up between Narvaez and the Queen Mother. The former professed to be opposed to what he asserted was the wish of Maria Christina, that the Government should be carried on by arbitrary and despotic measures; and to such a length did the difference between them proceed, that Narvaez was said to have proposed to his colleagues the removal of the Queen Mother and her Rianzarez family out of the country.

Whatever may have been the real facts of the case, in the beginning of April two Members of the Cabinet, M. Egana, Minister of Grace and Justice, and General Pezuela, Minister of Marine, differing from their colleagues with respect to an ordinance relative to the Stock Exchange, resigned. General Pezuela, who was to have countersigned that ordinance, was replaced on the 3rd of April by General Mazarredo. The latter, formerly chief officer on the staff of General Narvaez, was personally devoted to him. M. Gonzales Bravo, for whom the portfolio of Foreign Affairs was destined, not only would not accept it, but resigned his appointment of Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Lisbon.

General Narvaez, after having in vain attempted to complete his Ministry, determined on the morning following to resign. The Queen accepted his resignation, and immediately summoned S. Isturitz, to intrust to him the task of forming a

Ministry, which was ultimately constituted as follows:-S.Isturitz, President of the Council and Minister for Foreign Affairs; S. Mon, Minister of Finance; S. Pidal, Minister of the Interior; General Saenz, Minister of War; S. Caneja,

This Ministry gave promise of greater stability than its predecessors, and remained in office during the rest of the period embraced in our present volume. Narvaez not only ceased to be in power, but was obliged forthwith to quit the country. To soften his disgrace, he was offered the post of Ambassador Extraordinary at the Court of Naples, which, however, he refused to accept, and retired into France to watch the course of

events.

About this time an insurrection of a serious character broke out in the province of Galicia, and revolutionary juntas were formed at Lugo, Vigo, Santiago, Pentevedra, and other places, to direct the operations of the rebels. They were joined by the second battalion of an infantry regiment at Zamora, and by the provincial corps at Oviedo, Zamora, Segovia, and Gijon. The military leaders were Brigadiers Solis and Rubin de Celis; but the former was defeated in an engagement with the Queen's troops, and General Concha, on the 23rd of April, gained a decisive victory over the insurgents under Brigadier Rubin at Santiago. General Villalonga took Lugo by storm on the 27th; and the other towns which had revolted immediately yielded, and nineteen officers, including Solis, were shot at Corunna. Brigadier Rubin and the principal members of the revolutionary juntas succeeded in making their escape out of Spain. In consequence of the success of his operations, General Concha was forthwith elevated to the rank of Lieutenant General of the national armies.

But a more engrossing topic of

not only of Spain, but the other great powers of Europe. It was necessary to come to a final decision respecting the marriage of the Queen; and the course taken by events rendered what ought to have been an occasion for the display of loyalty at home, and for congratulations abroad, a dark and ill-omened passage in the history of the Spanish nation. We have mentioned that Count Trapani was, at the close of last year, looked upon as the future King Consort of Spain. His pretensions, however, were now opposed by Queen Christina. The young Queen Isabella was averse to the alliance, and there was no popular feeling in his favour. It, therefore, became necessary to select some other candidate; and other considerations than a regard to the personal predilections of the Queen were allowed to enter largely into the question. The position which both England and France professed to assume was that of perfect neutrality. But the latter power insisted upon one important proviso, which was that the choice of the Queen should be restricted to a Prince of the House of Bourbon. In the words of M. Guizot, in a despatch to M. Casimir Pernei, dated June 23rd, 1842 :

"Our policy on this subject is very simple. For the sake of the general peace and the balance of Europe, we admit our French Princes being put aside as candidates for the hand of the Queen of Spain. But, in return, we can admit as consort of the Queen no Prince who does not belong to the House of Bourbon. That House has many candidates to offer,—the Princes of Naples and of Lucca, the sons of Don Carlos, or those of