6

so generally and resolutely opposed. | conspicuous of our envoys, had sternThat Congress proved, practically, a ly opposed the admission of Missouri failure, whether through European as a Slave State. intrigue, or Spanish-American jealousy and indolence, is not apparent. Our envoys were duly appointed; but the strenuous opposition in our Senate' had so protracted the discussion that it was found too late for Mr. Sergeant to reach Panama at the time appointed for the meeting of the Congress; and Mr. Anderson, then Minister to Colombia, when at Carthagena on his way to Panama, was attacked by a malignant fever, whereof he died.

8

But, long ere this, the jealousy of the slaveholders had been aroused, and their malign influence upon the course of our Government made manifest. Among the means employed to render the Panama Congress odious at the South, was the fact that John Sergeant, the more

6 John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, and Richard C. Anderson, of Kentucky.

In the course of the debate, Mr. John Randolph, of Virginia, said:

"Cuba possesses an immense negro population. In case those States [Mexico and Colombia] should invade Cuba at all, it is unquestionable that this invasion will be made with this principle, the genius of universal emancipation,

this sweeping anathema against the white population in front,-and then, Sir, what is the situation of the Southern States ?"

Mr. John M. Berrien, of Georgia, said:

"The question to be determined is this: with a due regard to the safety of the Southern States, can you suffer these islands (Cuba and Porto Rico) to pass into the hands of buccaneers drunk with their new-born liberty? If our interest and our safety shall require us to say to these new republics, 'Cuba and Porto Rico must remain as they are,' we are free to say it, and, by the blessing of God, and the strength of our arms, to enforce the declaration; and let me say to gentlemen, these high considerations do require it. The vital interests of the South demand it."

Mr. John Floyd, of Virginia, said [in the House] "So far as I can see, in all its bearings, it [the Panama Congress] looks to the conquest of Cuba

The Spanish-American Republics had already decreed general emancipation; and fears were naturally expressed that they would extend this policy to Cuba, should they, as was then contemplated, combine to invade and conquer that island. Mr. Clay had already 10 written as Secretary of State to Mr. Alexander H. Everett, our Minister at Madrid, instructing him to urge upon Spain the expediency of acknowledging the independence of her lost colonies. He said:

"It is not for the new Republics that the pediency of concluding the war. President wishes to urge upon Spain the exIf the war should continue between Spain and the new Republics, and those islands [Cuba and Porto Rico] should become the object and theater of it, their fortunes have such a connection with the people of the United States, that they could not be indifferent spectators; and the possible contingencies of a protracted war might bring upon the Government and Porto Rico; or, at all events, of tearing them from the crown of Spain. The interests, if not safety, of our own country, would rather require us to interpose to prevent such an event; and I would rather take up arms to prevent than to accelerate such an occurrence. ""

Mr. Josiah S. Johnston, of Louisiana, a friend of the Administration, parried these attacks as follows:

"We know that Colombia and Mexico have long contemplated the independence of the island [Cuba]. The final decision is now to be made, and the combination of forces and the plan of attack to be formed. What, then, at such a crisis, becomes the duty of the Government? Send your ministers instantly to the diplomatic assembly, where the measure is maturing. Advise with them-remonstrate-menace, if necessary-against a step so dangerous to us, and perhaps fatal to them."

VAN BUREN AND TAYLOR ON CUBA.

of the United States duties and obligations, the performance of which, however painful

it should be, they might not be at liberty to decline."

In the same spirit, his instructions to Messrs. Anderson and Sergeant" contained the following passage:

"It is required by the frank and friendly relations which we most earnestly desire ever to cherish with the new Republics, that you should, without reserve, explicitly state that the United States have too much at stake in the fortunes of Cuba, to allow them to see with indifference a war of invasion prosecuted in a desolating manner, or to see employed, in the purposes of such a war, one race of the inhabitants combating against another, upon principles and with motives that must inevitably lead, if not to the extermination of one party or the other, to the most shocking excesses. The humanity of the United States in respect to the weaker, and which, in such a terrible struggle, would probably be the suffering, portion, and the duty to defend themselves against the contagion of such near and dangerous examples, would constrain them, even at the hazard of losing the friendship of Mexico and Colombia, to employ all the means necessary to their security.'

269

and, while refusing, so early as 1825, to guarantee the possession of that island to Spain, and informally giving notice that we would never consent to its transfer to any more formidable power, seemed entirely satisfied with, and anxious for, its retention by Spain as her most precious and valued dependency-The Queen of the Antilles.'

But, at length, having reännexed Texas, the Slave Power fixed covetous eyes on this fertile, prolific island. In 1848, our Minister, under instructions from President Polk, made an offer of $100,000,000 for it, which was peremptorily, conclusively rejected.

Directly thereafter, the South became agitated by 'fillibustering' plots for the invasion and conquest of that island, wherein real or pretended Cubans by nativity were prominent as leaders. PresiWhite House before he was made dent Taylor was hardly warm in the

Several years later, Mr. Van Buren, writing as Gen. Jackson's pre-aware that these schemes were on mier to Mr. C. P. Van Ness, our then Minister at Madrid, urges upon Spain, through him, the acknowledgment of South American independence, on this among other grounds:

"Considerations connected with a certain class of our population make it the interest of the Southern section of the Union that no attempt should be made in that island [Cuba] to throw off the yoke of Spanish dependence; the first effect of which would be the sudden emancipation of a numerous slave population, whose result could not but be very sensibly felt upon the adjacent shores of the United States."

Thus, so long as any revolution in Cuba, or displacement of the Spanish authority there, seemed likely to affect the stability or perpetuity of Slavery, our Government steadily, officiously opposed such revolution;

11 May 8, 1826.

led to issue his proclamation" against the point of realization, and compelthem in these words:

"There is reason to believe that an armed expedition is about to be fitted out in the United States with an intention to invade the island of Cuba, or some of the provinces of Mexico. The best information which the Executive has been able to obtain points to the island of Cuba as the object of this expedition. It is the duty of this Government to observe the faith of treaties, and to prevent any aggression by our citizens upon the territories of friendly nations. I have, therefore, thought it necessary and proper to issue this Proclamation, to warn all citizens of the United States, who shall connect themselves with any enterprise so grossly in violation of our laws and our treaty obligations, that they will thereby subject themselves to the heavy penalties denounced will forfeit their claim to the protection of against them by our acts of Congress, and their country. No such persons must ex

12 August 11, 1849.

whence they were ultimately liber-
ated by pardon.

The discipline proved effective.
There was much talk of further ex-
peditions against Cuba from one or
another Southern city. A secret ca-

pect the interference of this Government, in
any form, on their behalf, no matter to what
extremities they may be reduced in conse-
quence of their conduct. An enterprise to
invade the territories of a friendly nation,
set on foot and prosecuted within the limits
of the United States, is, in the highest de-
gree, criminal, as tending to endanger the
peace, and compromit the honor, of this
tion; and, therefore, I exhort all good citi-bal, known as the "Order of the Lone
zens, as they regard our national reputation,
as they respect their own laws and the Law
of Nations, as they value the blessings of
peace and the welfare of their country, to
discountenance and prevent, by all lawful
means, any such enterprise; and I call upon
every officer of this Government, civil or
military, to use all efforts in his power to
arrest, for trial and punishment, every such
offender against the laws providing for the
performance of our sacred obligations to
foreign powers."

This emphatic warning probably embarrassed and delayed the execution of the plot, but did not defeat it. Early in August, 1851-or soon after Gen. Taylor's death-an expedition under Lopez, a Cuban adventurer, sailed in a steamer from New Orleans always the hotbed of the proleans-always jects of the Slavery propagandists. About five hundred men embarked in this desperate enterprise, by which a landing was effected on the island of Cuba. All its expectations, however, of a rising in its behalf, or of any manifestation of sympathy on the part of the Cubans, were utterly disappointed. The invaders were easily defeated and made prisoners, when their leader was promptly garroted at Havana, and a few of his comrades shot; but the greater number were sentenced to penal servitude in a distant Spanish possession,

13 August 16th.

13

14 The body of the Convention proposed to us, on the part of Great Britain and France, was in the following words:

"The high contracting parties hereby severally and collectively disclaim, both now and for hereafter, all intention to obtain possession of the island of Cuba; and they respectively

Star," recruited adventurers and tried
to raise funds through all the sea-
board cities of the Union, and it was
understood that Gen. John A. Quit-
man, of Mississippi, one of the ablest
and strongest of Mr. Calhoun's disci-
ples, had consented to lead the next
expedition against Cuba; but none

ever sailed. The "Order of the Lone
Star" proved useful to Gen. Pierce in
swelling his vote for President in
1852, and soon after subsided into
nothingness.

As our Government had long ex-
pressed satisfaction with the posses-
sion of Cuba by Spain, while pro-
claiming hostility to its transfer to
any other power, Great Britain and
France determined to put our sin-
cerity to the test; and, accordingly,
in 1852, proposed to unite with us
in a treaty mutually guaranteeing
that island to Spain. But Mr.
Edward Everett, as Secretary of
State to Mr. Fillmore, rejected the
overture in an exceedingly smart
dispatch.

14

The formal proposition for a joint
agreement of perpetual renunciation,
on the part of Great Britain, France,
and the United States, respectively,
of any covetous designs on Cuba,

bind themselves to discountenance all attempts
to that effect on the part of any power or indi-
viduals whatever.

"The high contracting parties declare, seve-
rally and collectively, that they will not obtain
or maintain, for themselves, or for any one of
themselves, any exclusive control over the said
island, nor assume nor exercise any dominion
over the same.

MR. EVERETT TO FRANCE AND ENGLAND.

271

was presented, on the 23d of April, | of Texas; as to which, Mr. Everettto Mr. Webster, then our Secretary overdoing his part, as is natural in a of State, and by him courteously Federalist turned fillibuster-volunacknowledged, six days later, in a teers the wholly gratuitous assertion note which, though not without that "there never was an extension demur, expressed the acquiescence of territory more naturally or justifiof our Government in the general ably made." Ignoring the fact that views expressed by France and Eng- Great Britain has still possessions in land with reference to Cuba, and this hemisphere nearly, if not quite, gave assurances that, The Presi- equal in extent to those of our own dent will take M. de Sartiges' com- country, and that her important munication into consideration, and island of Jamaica is quite as near give it his best reflections." to Cuba as is any portion of our Southern coast, Mr. Everett says:

"The President does not covet the acquisition of Cuba for the United States; at the same time, he considers the acquisition of Cuba as mainly an American question. The proposed convention proceeds on a different principle. It assumes that the United States have no other or greater interest in the question than France or England; whereas, it is necessary only to cast one's eye on the map to see how remote are the relations of Europe, and how intimate those of the United States, with

this island."

Mr. Webster being dead" and Mr. Everett duly installed as his successor, the latter answered 16 a note of a note of M. de Sartiges, recalling Mr. Webster's attention to this subject, under date of July 8th. In this answer, In this answer, our Government peremptorily declines, for various and elaborately stated reasons, any such convention or compact as that proposed to it by France and England. While still disclaiming, pro forma, any desire If three strong men were traversor intention on our part of acquiring a desert in company with a ing Cuba, this document affords the strongest evidence of a contrary disposition. It assumes that the Senate would inevitably refuse its assent to the treaty proposed, and adds: "its certain rejection by that body would leave the question of Cuba in a more unsettled position

fourth rich, but weak, companion,
and two of them should propose to
the other a mutual stipulation not to
rob or otherwise abuse their weak
brother, it could hardly fail to aston-
ish them to hear their proposition
declined, as contemplating an "en-
tangling alliance”—a perplexing and
troublesome undertaking, whereof
no one could fully calculate the
and ultimate consequences. Yet Mr.
Everett sees fit to say that

scope

than it is now." It doubts the constitutional power "to impose a perto impose a permanent disability on the American Government for all coming time." It parades, with significant emphasis, "There is another strong objection to the repeated and important acqui-est traditions of the Federal Government is the proposed agreement. Among the oldsitions of territory by our Government, through the purchase of Louisiana in 1803, and of Florida in 1819, as also through the annexation

15 Oct. 24th, 1852.

an aversion to political alliances with European powers. In his memorable Farewell Address, President Washington says: 'The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our com

16 December 1, 1852.