Imágenes de páginas

On the 24th May, the vote was taken on the NAYS.—Messrs. Bingham, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Grst of Mr. Davis's series of resolutions, which Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Hale, Hamlin was adopted, 36 to 19, the yeas being all De- Harlani Simmons, Sumuer, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, mocrats, except Messrs. Crittenden, of Ky., and

Yeas all Democrats, except Crittenden and Kennedy, of Md., Americans. The nays were Kennedy ; nays all Republicans. all Republicans. The second resolution was

The fourth resolution was adopted, 35 to 21, then read, when Mr. Harlan (Rep., of Iowa) the negatives being all Republicans, except Mr. offered to add the following as an amendment: Pugh, Dem., of Ohio.

But the free discussion of the morality and expediency Mr. Clingman offered an amendment, in the of slavery should never be interfered with by the laws of form of the following resolution, to follow the any State, or of the United States ; and the freedom of 4th of Mr. Davis's series : speech and of the press, on this and every other subject of domestic and national policy, should be maintained in. Resolved, that the exi ting condition of the Territories violate to all the States,

of the United States does not require the intervention of This amendment was rejected, 20 to 36, as fol-Congress for the protection of property in slaves. lows:

The amendment was debated at considerable
Yeas.—Messrs. Bingham, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, length; but, without taking the question, the
Dixon, Doolitile, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Senate adjourned.
Hamlin, Harlan, King, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, On the following day, the amendment was
Trumbull, Wade, and Wilson-20.

Nays.-- Messrs. Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Brown, adopted, 26 to 23, as follows:
Chesrut, Clay, Clingman, Crittenden, Davis, Fitzpatrick, Yeas.-Messrs. Bigler, Bingham, Bragg, Chandler,
Green, Gwin, Hammond, Hemphill, Hunter, Iverson, Clark, Clingman, Collamer, Crittenden, Dixon, Doolittle,
Johnson of Arkansas, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Foot, Grimes, Hale, Hamlin, Harlan, Johnson of Tennes-
Lane, Latham, Mallory, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, see, Kennedy, Latham, Polk, Pugh, Simmons, Ten Eyck,
Powell, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Slidell, Thomson, Toombs, Toombs, Trumbull, Wade, and Wilson-26.
Wigfall, and Yulee--36.

Nays.—Messrs. 'Benjamin, Bright, Brown, Chesnut, Yeas all Republicans ; nays all Democrats, ex- son, Lane, Mallory, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Powell,

Clay, Davis, Fitzpatrick, Green, Hammond, Hunter, Ivercept Crittenden and Kennedy, Americans. Rice, Saulsbury, Sebastian, Slidell, Wigfall, and YuleeThe second resolution was then adopted, 36 to

23. 20, the vote being exactly the reverse of that on

Yeas all Republicans, except Messrs. Bigler, Mr. Harlan's amendment.

Bragg, Clingman, Crittenden, Johnson (Tenn.), The third resolution of the series was adopted, Kennedy, Latham, Polk, Pugh, and Toombs; 36 to 18, as follows:

Nays all Democrats. Yeas.-Messrs. Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Brown,

The fifth resolution of the series was then Chesnut, Clay, Clingman, Crittenden, Davis, Fitzpatrick, adopted, 35 to 2, Hamlin and Trumbull, the Green, Gwir, Hammond, Hemphill, Hunter, Iverson, Yeas being all Democrats, except Crittenden and Johnson of Arkansas, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy Kennedy. The seventh and last of the series Lane, Latham, Mallory, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Slidell, Thomson, Toombs, was then adopted, 36 to 6, Mr. Ten Eyck, Rep., Wigfall, and Yulee-36.

of New Jersey, voting Yea




St. Louis, March, 1860. refuse to answer the following interrogatories, which, in The Hon. EDWARD Bates-Sir: As you may have our judgment, involve all the issues pending between the learned from the public prints, the Republicans of Missouri two political parties of the country. met in Convention, in this city, on Saturday, the 10th instant, to make a declaration of their principles, elect dele- 1st. Are you opposed to the extension of Slavery? gates to the National Republican Convention, and com- 20. Does ihe Constitution of the United States carry Slavery plete a State organization. All of this the Convention ex. into the Territories, and, as subsidiary to this, what is the ecuted, in a manner wholly satisfactory to its members. legal effect of the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred

Scott case ? It also commended you, by resolution, to the National Re

3d. Are you in favor of the colonization of the free colored publican party, as one well worthy to be the standard population in Central America ? bearer of that party in the coming Presidential election. 4th. Do you recognize any inequality of rights among citi. This fact the undersigned have pride and pleasure in com- zens of the United States, and do you hold that it is the duty municating to you, knowing that throughout your life you of the Federal Government to protect American citizens at have carried out, as far as a private citizen might, the home and abroad in the enjoyment of all their constitutional

and legal rights, privileges, and immunities? sentiments contained in the resolutions adopted on Satur

5th. Are you in favor of the construction of a railroad from day, and a copy of which we inclose. But as you have the Valley of the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean, under the voluntarily remained in private life for many years, your auspices of the General Government ? political opinions are consequently not so well understood 6th. Are you in favor of the measure known as the Homeby the Republican party at large as by the Republicans stead bille

7th. Are you in favor of the immediate admission of Kansas, of Missouri.

Inasmuch as the delegation from this State to the Chi- under the Constitution adopted at Wyandot ? cago Convention intend to present your name to that body

Yours, respectfully, etc., as a candidate for the Presidency, we, in common with PETER L. Fox,

CHAS L, BERNAYS, many other Republicans of Missouri, desire to procure HENRY T. Blow,

Jso. M. RICHARDSON, from you an exposition of your views on the engrossing F. A. DICK,

0. D, FILLEY, political questions of the time. We hope that notwith- STEPHEN HOYT, ,

Wu. McKee, standing your well-known reluctance to appear before the G. W. F'SHBACK,

BARTON ABLE, public in the light of a Presidential aspirant, you will not



The Territories, whether acquired by conquest or ST. LOUIS, March 17, 1560.

peaceable purchase, are subject and subordinate ; not

sovereign like the States. The nation is supreme over To Messrs. P. L. Foy, Editor of The, Missouri Democrat; Dr. ! them, and the National Government has power to perBERNAYS, Editor of the Anzeiger ; and other gentlemen :

mit or for bid Slavery, within them. Entertaining these SIRS: B. Gratz Brown, Esq., as President of the Mis- views, I am opposed to the extension of Slavery, and in souri State Convention, which sat in St. Louis on the my opinion, the spirit and policy of the Government tenth of this month, has officially made known to me the ought to be against its extension. proceedings of that body, and by them I am enabled to

2. Does the Constitution carry Slavery into the Territories : know some of you as Delegates to the Chicago Conven

I answer no. The Constitution of the United States tion, representing the Republican party of Missouri. I have received your letter propounding to me certain

does not carry Slavery into the Territories. With much questions (seven in number) which you suppose will very into all the S ates.

more show of reason may it be said that it carries Sla

But it does not carry Slavery cover most, if not all, the grounds of controversy, in the anywhere. It only acts upon it, where it finds it estabapproaching Presidential election.

lished by the local law. With pleasure I will answer your questions. But before doing so, allow me to glance at the peculiar circum

In connection with this point, I am asked to state stances in which I am placed, and the strangeness of the my views of the Dred Scoti case, and what was really

It is

determined by the Supreme Court in that case. fact that I, a mere private man, am called upon to my opinion, carefully considered, that the Court determake avowals and explanations, with any view to take mined one single point of law only, that is, that Scott, me from the shades of private life and place me at the the plaintiff, being a negro of African descent (not neces. head of the nation. I came to this frontier in my youth, sarily a slave), could not be a citizen of Missouri, and and settled in St. Louis when it was a village. All my therefore could not sue in the Federal Court; and that manhood has been spent in Missouri, and during all that for th's reason, and this alone, the Circuit Court had time I have followed a profession which left my charac. ter and conduct open to the observation of society. And no jurisdiction of the cause, and no power to give while it has been my constant habit freely to express my which the Supreme Court had of the cause was for the

The only jurisdiction

judgment between the parties. opinion of public measures and public men, the people

Court, of Missouri, of all parties, will bear me witness that i purpose of correcting the error of the Circuit have never obtrusively thrust myself forward in pursuit in assuming the power to decide upon the merits of the of official honors. I have held no political office, and setting aside the judgment of the Circuit Court upon

This power the Supreme Court did exercise, by sought none, for more than twenty-five years. Under these circumstances, I confess the gratification

the merits, and by dismissing the suit, without any judgwhich I feel in receiving the recent manifestations of the Supreme Court did, and all that it had lawful power

This is all that the

ment for or against either party. respect and confidence of my fellow-citizens. First, the

to do. Opposition members of the Missouri Legislature declared their preference for me as a candidate; then followed the learned judges should have thought that their duty

I consider it a great public misfortune that several of my nomination by a Convention composed of all the elements of the Opposition in this State; and, now, the Re- required them to discuss and give opinions upon various publicans of Missouri, in their separate Convention, just questions outside of the case, as the case was actually held in St. Louis, have reaffirmed the nomination, and disposed of by the court. All such opinions are extra proposed, by their delegates, to present me to the Na-judicial and of no authority. But beside this, it appears tional Convention, soon to be held at Chicago, as a can- judges are political questions, and therefore beyond the

to me that several of the questions so discussed by the didate for the first office in the nation. These various cognizance of the judiciary, and proper only to be consi: demonstrations in my own State are doubly gratifying to dered and disposed of by the political departments. If ! me, because they afford the strongest proof that my name has been put forward only in a spirit of harmony is most unfortunate, because it may lead to a dangerous

am right in this, and it seems to me plain, the precedent and peace, and with the hope of preventing all division conflict of authority among the coördinate branches of and controversy amorrg those who, for their own safety the Government. and the public good, ought to be united in the r action, For all this I am deeply grateful, and, as far as con

3. As to the colonization of the free blacks. cerns me personally, I must declare in simple truth, For many years I have been connected with the Ameri. that if the movement go no further and produce no can Colonization Society, of which the rising young State national results, still I am paid and overpaid for a life of Liberia is the first fruit. I consider the object both of labor, and for whatever of zealous effort and patient humane and wise, beneficent alike to the free blacks who watching I have been able to bestow in support of a emigrate, and to the whites whom they leave behind. But line of governmental policy which I believe to be for the Africa is distant, and presents so many obstacles to rapid present and permanent good of the country.

settlement, that we cannot indulge the hope of draining And now, gentlemen, I proceed to answer your ques- off in that direction the growing numbers of our free black tions, briefly indeed, but fully, plainly, and with all pos- population, The tropical regions of America, I think, sible frankness. And I do this the more willingly be offer a far better prospect both for us and for them. cause I have received from individuals many letters

4. As to any inequality of rights among American citizens. (too many to be separately answered), and have seen in many public, journals articles making urgent calls such as are expressly laid down in the Constitution. Anü

I recognize no distinctions among American citizens but upon me for such a statement of views.

I hold that our Government is bound to protect all the 1. Slavery--Its extension in the Territories.

citizens in the enjoyment of all their rights, everywhere On this subject, in the States and in the Territories, and against all assailants. And as to all these rights, I have no new opinions-no opinions formed in rela’ there is no difference between citizens born and citizens sion to the present array of parties. I am coeval with made such by law. the Missouri question of 1819-20, having begun my 5. Am I in favor of the construction of a railroad from the political life in the midst of that struggle. At that Valley of the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean, under the aus time my position required me to seek all the means of pices of the General Government ? knowledge within my reach, and to study the principles Yes, strongly. I not only believe such a road of vast involved with all the powers of my mind; and I'ar- importance as the means of increasing the population, rived at conclusions then which no subsequent events wealth and power of this great valley, but necessary as have induced me to change. The existence of negro the means of national defence, and of preserving the Slavery in our country had its beginning in the early integrity of the Union. time of the Colonies, and was imposed by the mother

6. Am I in favor of the measure called the Homestead bill? country against the will of most of the colonists. At the time of the Revolution, and long after, it was com

Yes; I am for guarding the public lands, as well as monly regarded as an evil, temporary in its nature, possible, from the danger of becoming the subject of comand likely to disappear in the course of time, yet, while mon trade and speculation-for keeping them for the it continued, a misfortune to the country, socially and actual use of the people—and for granting tracts of politically.

suitable size to those who will actually inhabit and imThus was I taught, by those who made our Govern- prove them. ment, and neither the new light of modern civilization,

7. Am I in favor of the immediate admission of Kansas nor the discovery of a new system of constitutional law under the Wyandot Constitution ? and social philosophy, has enabled me to detect the I think that Kansas ought to be admitted without error of their teaching.

delay, leaving her, like all the other States, the sole judge Slavery is "a social relation"-a domestic institu- of her own Constitution. tion. Within the States, it exists by the local law, and Thus, gentlemen, I believe I have answered all your the Federal Government has no control over it there. I inquiries in a plain, intelligible manner, and, I hope, to

your satisfiction. I have not attempted to support my corrupted itself and perverted the principles of the fem answers by argument, for that could not be done in a vernment; has set itself openly against the great home short letter; and, restraining myself from going into interests of the people, by neglecting to protect their general politics, I have confined my remarks to the industry, and by refusing to improve and keep in order particular subjects upon which you requested me to the highways and depots of commerce; and even now is write. Your obliged fellow-citizen,

urging a measure in Congress to abdicate the constitu. EDWARD BATES. tional power and duty to regulate commerce among the

States, and to grant to the States the discretionary

power to levy tonnage duties upon all our commerce, JUDGE BATES 'S LETTER

under the pretense of improving harbors, rivers, and

lakes; has changed the status of the negro slave by makIN SUPPORT or LINCOLN.

ing him ao longer mere property, but a politician, an

antagonist power in the State, a power to which all other ST. LOUIS, June 11, 1860. powers are required to yield, under penalty of a dissolu0. H. BROWNING, Esq., Quincy, Ill.

tion of the Union; has directed its energies to the gratiDear Sir: When I received your letter of May 22d, Ification of its lusts of foreign domain, as manifested in its had no thought that the answer would be so long de persistent efforts to seize upon tropical regions, not belayed ; but, waiving all excuses, I proceed to answer cause those countries and their incongruous people are it now.

necessary, or even desirable, to be incorporated into cur Under the circumstances of the case it ought no: to nation, but for the mere purpose of making Slave States, have been doubted that I would give Mr. Lincola's nom- in order to advance the political power of the party in ination a cordial and hearty support. But in declaring the Senate and in the choice of the President, so as my intention to do so, it is due to myself to state some of effectually to transfer the chief powers of the Government the facts and reasons which have a controlling influence from the many to the few; has in various iusiances over my mind, and which I think ought to be persua- endangered the equality of the coördinate branches of the sive arguments with some other men, whose political Government, by urgent efforts to enlarge the powers of opinions and antecedents are, in some important parti- the Executive at the expense of the Legislative depart culars, like my own.

ment; has attempted to discredit and degrade the Judi. There was no good ground for supposing that I felt ciary, by affecting to make it, at first, the arbiter of any pique or dissatisfaction because the Chicago Con- party quarrels, to become soon and inevitably the pasvention failed to nominate me. I had no such feeling. sive registrar of a party decree. On party grounds, I had no right to expect the nomina- In most, if not all these particulars, I understand the tion. I had no claims upon the Republicans as a party, Republican party (judging it by its acts and by the for I have never been a member of any party, so as to known opinions of many of its leading men) to be the be bound by its dogmas, and subject to its discipline, ex- exact opposite of the Democratic party; and that is the cept only the Whig party, which is now broken up, and ground of my preference of the one party over the other. its materials, for the most part, absorbed in other organi. And that alone would be a sufficient reason, if I had no zations. And thus I am left, alone and powerless, in- other good reasons, for supporting Mr. Lincoln against deed, but perfectly free to follow the dictates of my own any man who may be put forward by the Democratic judgment, and to take such part in current politics as party, as the exponent of its principles and the agent to my own sense of duty and patriotism may require. work out, in practice, its dangerous policies. Many Republicans, and among them, I think, some of The third party, which, by its formation, has destroyed the most moderate and patriotic of that party, honored the organization of the American and Whig parties, has me with their confidence and desired to make me their nominated two most excellent men. I know them well, candidate. For this favor I was indebted to the fact that as sound statesmen and true patriots. More than thii ty between them and me there was a coincidence of opin- years ago I served with them both in Congress, and, from ion upon certain important questions of government. that time to this I have always held them in respect and They and I agreed in believing that the National Govern honor. But what can the third party do toward the elecment has sovereign power over the Territories, and that tion of even such worthy men as these against the two it would be impolitic and unwise to use that power for great parties which are now in actual contest for the the propagation of negro Slavery by planting it in Free power to rule the nation ? It is made up entirely of porTerritory. Some of them believed also that my nomina- tions of the disintegrated elements of the late Whig and tion, while it would ter v soften the tone of the Repub-American parties-good materials, in the main, I admit, lican party, without any abandonment of its principles, but quite too weak to elect any man or establish any might tend also to generalize its character and attract principle. The most it can do is, here and there in par the friendship and support of many, especially in the ticular localities, to make a diversion in favor of the border States, who, like me, had never been members of Democrats. In 1856, the Whig and American parties their party, but concurred with them in opinion about (not forming a new party, but united as allies), with enthe government of the Territories. These are the grounds, tire unanimity and some zeal, supported Mr. Fillmore for and I think the only grounds, upon which I was sup- the Presidency, and with what results ? We made a ported at all at Chicago.

miserable failure, carrying nó State but gallant little As to the platform put forth by the Chicago Conven: Maryland. And, surely, the united Whigs and Amerition, I have little to say, because, whether good or bad, cans of that day had a far greater show of strength and that will not constitute the ground of my support of Mr. far better prospects of success than any which belong to Lincoln. I have no great respect for party platforms in the Constitutional Union party now. In fact, I see no general. They are commonly made in times of high ex. possiblity of success for the third party, except in one citement, under a pressure of circumstances, and with the contingency-the Destruction of the Democratic party. view to conciliate present support, rather than to esta. That is a contigency not likely to happen this year, for, blish a permanent system of principles and line of badly as I think of many of the acts and policies of that policy for the future good government of country. party, its cup is not yet full-the day has not yet come The Conventions which form them are transient in when it must dissolve in its own corruptions. But the their nature; their power and influence are consumed in day is coming, and is not far off. The party has made the using, leaving no continuing obligation upon their re- itself entirely sectional ; it has concentrated its very bespective parties. And hence we need not wonder that ing into one single idea ; negro Slavery has control of all platforms so made are hardly ever acted upon in prac. its faculties, and it can see and hear nothing else—"one tice. I shall not discuss their relative merits, but con. stern, tyrannic thought, that makes all other thoughts tent myself with saying that this Republican platform, its slaves !" though in several particulars it does not conform to my But the Democratic party still lives, and while it lives, it views, is still far better than any published creed, past or and the Republican party are the only real antagonistic present, of the Democrats. And as to the new party, it powers in the nation, and for the present, I must choose has not chosen to promulgate any platform at all, except between them. I choose the latter, as wiser, purer, two or three broad generalities which are common to the younger and less corrupted by time and self-indulgence. professions of faith of all parties in the country. No The candidates nominated at Chicago are both men who, party, indeed, dare ask the confidence of the nation, as individuals and politicians, rank with the foremost of while openly denying the obligation to support the Union the country. I have heard no objection to Mr. Hamlin and the Constitution and to enforce the laws. That is a personally, but only to his geographical position, which is common duty, binding upon every citizen, and the failure thought to be too far North and East to allow his personal to perform it is a crime.

good qualities to exercise their proper influence over the To me it is plain that the approaching contest must be nation at large. But the nomination for the Presidency is between the Democratic and the Republican parties; and, the great controlling act. Mr. Lincoln, his character, between them, I prefer the latter.

talents, opinions and history will be criticised by thouThe Democratic party, by the long possession and sands, while the candidate for the Vice-Presidency will be abuse of power, has grown wanton and reckless; has passed over in comparative silence.

Mr. Lincoln's nomination took the public by surprise, holding them up to the public as the leading doctrines because, until just before the event, it was unexpected of the person assailed, and drawing from them their own But really it ought not to have excited any surprise, for uncharitable inferences. That line of attack betrays a such unforeseen nominations are common in our political little mind conscious of its weakness, for the falsity of its history. Polk and Pierce, by the Democrats, and Harri- logic is not more apparent than the injustice of its deson and Taylor, by the Whigs, were all nominated in this signs. No public man can stand that ordeal, and, howextemporaneous manner-all of them were elected. I ever willing men may be to see it applied to their adverhave known Mr. Lincoln for more than twenty years, and saries, all flinch from the torture when applied to themtherefore have a right to speak of him with some confi- selves. In fact, the man who never said a foolish thing, dence. As an individual, he has earned a high reputation will hardly be able to prove that he ever said many wise for truth, courage, candor, morals, and amiability; so that, ones. as a man, he is most trustworthy. And in this particular, I consider Mr. Lincoln a sound, safe, national man. He he is more entitled to our esteem than some other men, his could not be sectional if he tried, His birth, education, equals, who had far better opportunities and aids in early the habits of his life, and his geographical position, ccmlife. His talents, and the will to use them to the best ad- pel him to be national, All his feelings and interest are vantage, are unquestionable; and the proof is found in the identified with the great valley of the Mississippi, near fact that, in every position in life, from his humble begin- whose centre he has spent his whole life. The valley is ning to his present well-earned elevation, he has more than not a section, but, conspicuously, the body of the nation, fulfilled the best hopes of his friends. And now, in the full and, large as it is, it is not capable of being divided into vigor of his manhood, and in the honest pride of having sections, for the great river cannot be divided. It is one made himself what he is, he is the peer of the first man of and indivisible, and the North and the South are alike the nation, well able to sustain himself and advance his necessary to its comfort and prosperity. Ite people, too, cause, against any adversary, and in any field, where mind in all their interests and affections, are as broad' and and knowledge are the weapons used.

general as the regions they inhabit. They are emigrants, In politics he has but acted out the principle of his a mixed multitude, coming from every State in the Union, own moral and intellectual character. He has not con- and from most countries in Europe; they are unwilling, cealed his thoughts nor hidden his light under a bushel. therefore, to submit to any one petty local standard. With the boldness of conscious rectitude and the frank- They love the nation as a whole, and they love all its ness of downright honesty, he has not failed to avow his parts, for they are bound to them all, not only by a feel. opinions of public affairs upon all fitting occasions. ing of common interest and mutual dependence, but also

This I know may subject him to the carping censure by the recollections of childhood and youth, by blood and of that class of politicians who mistake cunning for wis- friendship, and by all those social and domestic charities dom and falsehood for ingenuity; but such men as Lin- which sweeten life, and make this world worth living in, coln must act in keeping with their own characters, and the valley is beginning to feel its power, and will soon be hope for success only by advancing the truth prudently strong enough to dictate the law of the land. Whenever and maintaining it bravely. All his old political ante that state of things shall come to pass, it will be most cedents are, in my judgment, exactly right, being square fortunate for the nation to find the powers of Government up to the old Whig standard. And as to his views about lodged in the hands of men whose habits of thought, “the pestilent negro question," I am not aware that he whose position and surrounding circumstances, constrain has gone one step beyond the doctrines publicly and them to use those powers for general and not sectional habitually avowed by the great lights of the Whig party, ends. Clay, Webster, and their fellows, and indeed sustained I give my opinion freely in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and I and carried out by the Democrats themselves, in their hope that for the good of the whole country, he may be wiser and better days.

elected. But it is not my intention to take any active The following, I suppose, re in brief his opinions up- part in the canvass. For many years past, I have had on that subject : 1. Slavery is a domestic institution little to do with public affairs, and have aspired to no within the States which choose to have it, and it exists political office; and now, in view of the mad excitement within those States beyond the control of Congress. which convulses the country, and the general disruption 2. Congress has supreme legislative power over all the and disorder of parties and the elements which compose Territories, and may, at its discretion, allow or forbid the them, I am more than ever assured that for me, personexistence of Slavery within them. 3. Congress, in wis- ally, there is no political future, and I accept the condi. dom and sound policy, ought not so to exercise its power, tion with cheerful satisfaction. Still, I cannot discharge directly or indirectly, as to plant and establish Slavery myself from the life-long duty to watch the conduct of in any Territory theretofore free. 4. And that it is unwise men in power, and to resist, so far as a mere private man and impolitic in the Government of the United States, to may, the fearful progress of official corruption, which for acquire tropical regions for the mere purpose of convert- several years past has sadly marred and defiled the fair ing them into Slave States.

fabric of our Government, These, I believe, are Mr. Lincoln's opinions upon the If Mr. Lincoln should be elected, coming in as a new matter of Slavery in the Territories, and I concur in man at the head of a young party never before in power, them. They are no new inventions, made to suit the ex- he may render a great service to his country, which no igencies of the hour, but have come down to us, as the Democrat could render. He can march straight forward Declaration of Independence and the Constitution have, in the discharge of his high duties, guided only by his own sanctioned by the venerable authority of the wise and good judgment and honest purposes, without any necessity good men who established our institutions. They are to temporize with established abuses, to wink at the delinconformable to law, principle and wise policy, and their quencies of old party friends, or to unlearn and discard utility is proven in practice by the as yet unbroken cur- the bad official habits that have grown up under the mis. rent of our political history. They will prevail, not only government of his Democratic predecessors. In short, he because they are right in themselves, but also because a can be an honest and bold reformer on easier and cheaper great and still growing majority of the people believe terms than any Democratic President can be-for, in prothem to be right; and the sooner they are allowed to ceeding in the good work of cleansing and purifying the prevail in peace and harmony, the better for all con- administrative departments, he will have no occasion to cerned, as well those who are against them as those who expose the vices, assail the interests, or thwart the ambiare for them.

tion of his political friends. I am aware that smalll partisans, in their little warfare Begging your pardon for the length of this letter, I against opposing leaders, do sometimes assail them by remain, with great respect, your friend and obedient the trick of tearing from their contexts some particular servant, objectionable phrases, penned, perhaps, in the hurry of

EDWARD BATES. composition, or spoken in the heat of oral debate, and


So much has been wildly said of what is and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on termed the “ Monroe Doctrine,” in regard to the great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, influence of European Powers on this continent, oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their that we publish exactly what President Monroe destiny, by any European power, in any other light than said on the subject. We copy from the Seventh as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward

the United States. In the war between these new governAnnual Message of Mr. Monroe, dated December ments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time 2, 1823 :

of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and

shall continue lo adhere, provided no change shall occur, “It was stated, at the commencement of the last session, which in the judgment of the competent authorities of this that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal Government, shall make a corresponding change on the to improve the condition of the people of those countries, part of the United States indispensable to their security. and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary “ The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the re- is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof sult has been, so far, very different from what was then can be adduced than that the allied powers should have anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to themwhich we have so much intercourse, and from which we selves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns derive our origin, we have always been anxious and in. of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be car. terested spectators. The citizens of the United States ried, on the same principle, is a question to which all cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty independent powers, whose governments differ from and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the theirs, are interested-even those most remote, and surely Atlantic, In the wars of the European powers, in matters none more so than the United States. Our policy in rerelating to themselves, we have never taken any part, gard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced, that globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. | interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to With the movements in this hemisphere we are of neces- consider the Government, de facto, as the legitimate sity more immediately connected, and by causes which Governinent for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial obser- and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and

The political system of the allied powers is essen- manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of tially different in this respect from that of America. every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in This difference proceeds from that which exists in their regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently respective goveroments. And to the defense of our own, and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and allied powers should extend their political system to any treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most portion of either continent without endangering our enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, existing between the United States and those powers to that we should behold such interposition, in any form, declare, that we should consider any attempt on their with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength part to extend their system to any portion of this hemi- and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and sphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the their distance from each other, it must be obvious that existing colonies or dependencies of any European power she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the governments who have declared their independence, the hope that other powers will pursue the same course."




cept as a punislıment for crime, of which the party shall

have been duly convicted according to law. The following resolutions were adopted by Resolved, That His Excellency the Governor is herethe Wisconsin (Democratic) Legislature in 1848, by requested immediately to forward a copy of the forewith only three dissenting votes in the Senate going resolutions to each of our Senators and Represen

tatives, to be by them laid before Congress. and five in the House :

Whereas, Slavery is an evil of the first magnitude, THE DEMOCRACY OF MAINE FOR THE WILMOT morally and politically, and whatever may be the

PROVISO. consequences, it is our duty to prohibit its extension in all cases where such prohibition is allowed by the Con

Resolutions adopted by a Convention of the stitution: Therefore,

Democratic party of Maine, in June, 1849 : Resolved, By the Senate and Assembly of the State of Resowed, That the institution of human Slavery is at Wisconsin, that the introductio of Slavery in this variance with the theory of our government, abhorrent country is to be deeply deplored; that its extension to the common sentiments of mankind, and fraught with ought to be prohibited by every constitutional barrier danger to all who come within the sphere of its influence, within the power of Congress; that in the admission of that the Federal Government possesses adequate power new territory into the Union, there ought to be an in- to inhibit its existence in the Territories of the Union; hibitory provision against its introduction, unless clearly and that we enjoin upon our Senators and Representaand unequivocally admitted by the Constitution--inas- tives in Congress to make every exertion and employ all much as in all cases of doubtful construction, the Rights their influence to procure the passage of a law forever of Man and the cause of Liberty ought to prevail. excluding Slavery from the Territories of California and

Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be, and they New-Mexico. are hereby, instructed, and our Representatives are requested, to use their influence to insert into the organic

DELAWARE FOR FREE TERRITORY. act for the government of any new territory already The following preamble and resolution were acquired or hereafter to be acquired, that is now free, an ordinance forever prohibiting the introduction

of adopted by the Legislature of Delaware in Slavery or involuntary servitude into said territory ex- / 1847 :

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