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A motion to adjourn shall be always in order, and shall be decided without debate. R. of A. 12.

When the house first meet, before they adjourn, two resolutions are necessary; 1st, to fix a time for the meeting on next day. 2d to adjourn accordingly.

When a motion to adjourn is carried, the speaker before he leaves the chair, says, "this house is adjourned o'clock to-morrow morning," or "" until

until o'clock on

morning next," as the case may be.



Parliament have three modes of separation, to wit, by adjournment, by prorogation, or dissolution by the king, or by the efflux of the term for which they were elected. Prorogation or dissolution constitutes there what is called a session, provided some act has passed. In this case, all matters depending before them are discontinued, and at their next meeting are to be taken up de novo, if taken up at all. 1 Blackst. 186. Adjournment, which is by themselves, is no more than a continuance of the session from one day to another, or for a fortnight, a month, &c. ad libitum. All matters depending remain in statu quo, and when they meet again, be the term ever so distant, are resumed without any fresh commencement, at the point at which they were left. 1 Lev. 165. Lex. Parl. c. 2. 1 Ro. Rep. 29. 4 Inst. 7, 27, 28. Hutt. 61. 1 Mod. 252. Ruffh. Jac. L. Dict. Parliament. 1 Blackst. 186. Their whole session is considered in law but as one day, and has relation to the first day thereof. Bro. Abr. Parliament 86.

Committees may be appointed to sit during a recess by adjournment, but not by prorogation. 5 Grey 374. 9 Grey 350. 1 Chandler 50. Neither house can continue any portion of itself in any parliamentary function beyond the end of the session, without the consent of the other two branches. When done, it is by a bill constituting them commissioners for the particular purpose. Congress separate in two ways only, to wit, by ad



journment, or dissolution by the efflux of their time.
What then constitutes a session with them? A dissolu-
tion certainly closes one session, and the meeting of the
new congress begins another. The constitution author-
ises the president "on extraordinary occasions, to con-
vene both houses or either of them." I. 3. If convened
by the president's proclamation, this must begin a new
session, and of course determine the preceding one to
have been a session. So if it meets under the clause of
the constitution which says, "the congress shall assem-
ble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall
be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall
by law appoint a different day," I. 4. this must begin a
new session. For even if the last adjournment was to
this day, the act of adjournment is merged in the higher
authority of the constitution, and the meeting will be
under that, and not under their adjournment. So far we
have fixed landmarks for determining sessions. In oth-
er cases, it is declared by the joint vote authorising the
president of the senate and the speaker to close the ses-
sion on a fixed day, which is usually in the following
form: " Resolved, by the senate and house of represent-
atives, that the president of the senate and the speaker
of the house of representatives be authorised to close the
present session by adjourning their respective houses on
day of

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In the state of New-York, the senators are elected for four years; the members of assembly for one only. A session is one year, and commences the first day of January.

The legislature separate in three ways. 1. By adjournment. 2. By dissolution by the efflux of the term of the members of the assembly, viz: on the last day of December. 3. By prorogation.

The senate shall consist of thirty-two members. The senators shall be chosen for four years, and shall be freeholders. The asssmbly shall consist of one hundred and twenty-eight members, who shall be annually elected. Const. Art. I. Sec. 2.

The political year shall begin on the first day of January; and the legislature shall every year assemble on

the first Tuesday of January, unless a different day shall be appointed by law. lb. Art. I. Sec. 14.

The governor shall be general and commander in chief of all the militia, and admiral of the navy of the state. He shall have power to convene the legislature (or the senate only) on extraordinary occasions. He shall communicate by message to the legislature at every session, the condition of the state; and recommend such matters to them as he shall judge expedient. He shall transact all necessary business with the officers of government, civil and military. He shall expedite all such measures as may be resolved upon by the legislature, and shall take care that the laws are faithfully executed. He shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the term for which he shall have been elected. Ib. Art. III. Sec. 4.

The mode in which the legislature adjourn, is, by adopting a resolution of the following form: viz:

Resolved, (if the honorable the senate concur herein) that this legislature will adjourn on the

day of

When it was said above, that all matters depending before parliament, were discontinued by the determination of the session, it was not meant for judiciary cases, depending before the house of lords, such as impeachments, appeals and writs of error. These stand continued of course to the next session. Rayn. 120, 381. Ruff h. Jac. L. D. Parliament.

Impeachments stand in like manner continued before the senate of the United States. In like manner the business of the court of errors of this state is continued before the said court. But any legislative business unfinished at the time of the close of the session, goes for none; and if any of it is to be again acted upon, it must be taken up de novo.



The house of representatives shall have the sole power of impeachment. Const. of the United States, I. 3.

The U. S. senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the president of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concur rence of two-thirds of the members present. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States. But the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law. Const. U. S. I, 3.

The president, vice-president, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. Ib. II, 4.

The trial of crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury. Ib. III, 2.

The court for the trial of impeachments, and the correction of errors, shall consist of the president of the senate, the senators, the chancellor, and the justices of the supreme court, or the major part of them; but when an impeachment shall be prosecuted against the chancellor, or any justice of the supreme court, the person so impeached, shall be suspended from exercising his office, until his acquittal; and when an appeal from a decree in chancery shall be heard, the chancellor shall inform the court of the reasons for his decree, but shall have no voice in the final sentence; and when a writ of error shall be brought on a judgment of the supreme court, the justices of that court shall assign the reasons for their judgment, but shall not have a voice for its affirmance or reversal. Const. N. Y. Art. V. Sec. 1.

The assembly shall have the power of impeaching all civil officers of this state for mal and corrupt conduct in office, and for high crimes and misdemeanors; but a majority of all the members elected shall concur in an impeachment. Before the trial of an impeachment, the members of the court shall take an oath or affirmation, truly and impartially to try and determine the charge in question, according to evidence; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the

members present. Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall not extend farther than the removal from office, and disqualification to hold, and enjoy, any office of honor, trust, or profit, under this state; but the party convicted shall be liable to indictment, and punishment, according to law. Ib. Sec. 2.

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, (except in cases of impeachment, and in cases of the militia, when in actual service, and the land and naval forces in time of war, or which this state may keep, with the consent of congress, in time of peace, and in cases of petit larceny, under the regulation of the legislature,) unless on presentment or indictment of a grand jury; and in every trial on impeachment or indictment, the party accused shall be allowed counsel as in civil actions. No person shall be subject, for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall he be compelled in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law: Nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. Ib. Art. VII. Sec. 7.


Jurisdiction. The lords cannot impeach any to themselves, nor join in the accusation, because they are the judges. Seld. Judic. in Parl. 12, 63. (A work of doubtful authority.) 4 Hats. 153, 186. Nor can they proceed against a commoner but on complaint of the comIb. 84. The lords may not, by the law, try a commoner for a capital offence, on the information of the king, or a private person; because the accused is entitled to a trial by his peers generally; but on accusation by the house of commons, they may proceed against the delinquent of whatsoever degree, and whatsoever be the nature of the offence; for there they do not assume to themselves trial at common law. The commons are then instead of a jury, and the judgment is given on their demand, which is instead of a verdict. So the lords do only judge, but not try the delinquent. Ib. 6, 7. But Wooddeson denies that a commoner can now be charged capitally before the lords, even by the commons; and cites Fitzharris's case, 1681, impeached of high treason, where the lords remitted the prosecution to the inferior


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