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they cannot use it, end even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerants do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except in a few things regarded as barbarous and cruel. Among the excepbetions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. But the proclamation as a law is valid or not valid. If it is not valid, it wants no retraction. If it is valid it cannot be retracted any more than the dead can be brought to life.

inates all the country and all the people within its range. Any offers, if made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that, ar simply nothing, for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one made with them.

"To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and peace men from the North should meet in convention and frame a proclamation or compromise embracing a restoration of the Union, in what way can that compromise be used to keep Gen. Lee's army out of Pennsylvania? Gen. Meade's army can keep Gen. Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and I think ultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper compromise, to which the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed, can at all effect that army. In an effort at such a compromise we would waste time that the enemy would improve to our disadvantage, and that would be all. A compromise to be effective must be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people liberated from the dominion of that army by the success of our


"Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from the rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All charges or intimations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless, and I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept secret from you.

"I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the people according to the bond of the service, the United States Constitution, and as such I am responsible to them. But, to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite likely. There is a difference between you and myself upon the subject. I certainly wish all men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I have neither adopted or proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view, provided you are for the Union.

"Some of you profess to think that retraction would operate favorably to the Union. Why better after the retraction than before the isThere was more than a year and a half sue? of trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance.

"I suggested a compensated emancipation, to which you replied that you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes, but I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes except in such a way as to save you from greater taxation, in order to save the Union exclusively by other means. You dislike the emancipation and perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution vests its Commander-in-Chief with the law of war in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is that slaves are property. Has there ever been any question, that by the laws of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? and is it not needed whenever the taking of it helps us or hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy the enemy's property when

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"Among the commanders holding these views are some who have never had any affinity with what is called abolitionism, or the Republican [This is certainly apochryphal. See the party politics, but who hold them purely as Wood-Lincoln correspondence.] military opinions. I submit their opinions, as being entitled to some weight against the objections often urged that emancipation and arming blacks are unwise as military meas ures, and were not adopted as such in good faith.

"The war has certainly progressed as favorably to us since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know, as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some of the commanders of our armies in the field, who have given us our most important victories, believe the emancipation policy and the aid of colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of those successes could not have been achieved where it was, but for the aid of black soldiers.

[We'd like to see the proof of this.]

"You say that you will not fight to free negroes; some of them seem willing enough to fight for you, but no matter. Fight you then exclusively to save the Union. I issued the proclamation and propose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare that you shall not fight to free negroes. I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy in his resistance to you. You think differently.

"I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you? But negroes, like other people, act upon motive. Why should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom, and the promise being made must be kept.

"The signs look better. ters goes unvexed to the Great Northwest for it.

The Father of Wasea, thanks to the Nor yet wholly to

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them. Three hundred miles up they met New
England, the Empire and Keystone states and
New Jersey, hewing their way right and left.
The sunny South too, in more colors than one,
lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the his-
tory was jotted down in black and white.-
The job was a great one, and let none be bar-
red who bore an honorable part in it. And
while those who have cleared the great river,
may well be proud, yet even that is not all.
It is hard to say that anything has been more
bravely and better done than at Antietam,
Murfreesboro, Gettysburg and on many fields
of less note.


"Nor must Uncle Sam's webbed feet be forgotten. At all the water's margins they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid river, but also up the narrow mud bayou, and wherever the ground was a little damp they had been and made their tracks.

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"Thanks to all; for the great Republic; for the principles by which it lives and keeps alive; for man's vast fortune-thanks to all! Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay, and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there will be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue, and with clenched teeth, and with steady eye, and well-poised payonet, they have helped mankind to this great consummation; while I fear that there will be some white men, unable to forget that with malignant heart, and deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it.

"Still let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy and final triumph. Let us be quite sober, and let us diligently apply our means, never doubting that a just God, in His own good time will give us the rightful result.

Yours very truly,




We have given above the whole of Mr. LINCOLN's epistle to the Utica-Springfield meetings-not that it was necessary for our purpose, but that his friends may not say we have done him injustice by partial extracts. He is here on record as wedded to the policy which the radicals forced him into.

The object of this policy lies deeper than a desire to render aid to white soldiers. This might have been done by employing the negroes as servants and helpers, in camps and ditches. In fact, this is the only way that negroes might be servicable, to which no one has objected. But Sambo must be used as a political machine, and hence he must wear the blue uniform, and become subservient to the

military power-not that he has or can do any
military service, commensurate with the trouble
and expense of his equipment and military
training. No, the negro as
No, the negro as a soldier has
made no record in this war, notwithstanding
we are told the nation has expended millions
for arming, equipping, feeding and clothing
some 200,000 negro troops, be the same more
or less, and we do not remember to have heard
of Sambo, amid the din of battle, save at Mil-
liken's Bend, where a black regiment was
forced to the front by a wall of bayonets, in
white hands, behind them. True, we have
heard in the radical papers of wonderful prod-
igies performed by the sable sons of Mars, and
some officials have even gone so far as to extol
their merits above that of the white soldiers,
but in all this, they have failed to furnish us
with the history of facts and circumstances.

But, do you ask how the negro as a soldier, to be used to favor political objects? Let us





The Proclamation did not assume to liberate slaves everywhere. Certain districts were excluded. Slavery was still unmolested in the loyal Border States. The radicals insisted on some coup de main to abolish slavery in the border States. How could this be done? Why by the black soldier system. How by that? Let us see. The moment the black soldier system had been established, thousands of enlisting agents took up their positions in the border States, where they went to enlisting the slaves of loyal masters. They created alarm and brought out protests from the Governors of Maryland and Kentucky, but all to no purpose. The enlistments went on, and the general promise was thrown out, as a tub to the whale, that the slaves thus taken should be paid for. But this did not satisfy the loyal slaveholder. He saw in the movement an undisguised effort and determination to abolish slavery in all the localities excepted by the Proclamation, by indirection- a kind of whipthe devil-round-the-stump game.

The radicals saw that if they could, under the protecting ægis of the "military power" seize all the able-bodied slaves in the border States as soldiers, the people from necessity would give up the balance, and thus the negro soldier business would have answered its end. But as for negroes fighting or being of actual use in military operations, the evidence is entirely wanting. If this theory does not solve

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One of the main arguments in favor of the Proclamation, by the radicals, was, that it would bring the English people to our aid; but the following, from the London Herald, does not wear so favorable an aspect. That paper


"Another symptom of increasing ferocitya new source of frightful crime, on the one side, and provocation to horrible vengeance on the other, [just what we have seen as the father of all the difficulties in reference to exchange of prisoners, whereby thousands of our brave

men have been forced to starve and rot in

Southern prisons, all on account of the negro punctilio red-tape-ism of our Government, is ] disclosed in the demand made in New York for the Abolitionist Proclamation. So far as its nominal purport goes, this would be as futile as Mr. Lincoln's other edicts. Before he can emancipate the Southern negroes, he must conquer the South [just what he himself said to the Chicago divines]. But the demand is not made with a view to the real liberation of the slaves. It is meant to diminish the rebel army, by calling away many officers and men to the defense of their homes. [This failed entirely.] The object is not negro emancipation, but servile insurrection [this was argued by the New York T ibune]-not the manumission of slaves, but the subornation of atrocities, such as those at Cawnpore and Meireut

against women and children of Southern fam


"For the negro the Northerners care nothing, except as a possible weapon in their hands, by which the more safely and effectually to wreak a cruel and cowardly vengeance on the South. Inferior in every respect to the to rebellion, outdue them in acts of carnage, Sepoys, the negro race would, if once excited as they would fall below them in military courage. They may be useful as assassins and incendiaries; as soldiers against the dominant race, they would be utterly worthless. Fortunately, there is no probability that the North will be able to kindle any general or extensive negro insurrection. On the lines of the Mississippi there might be occasional outbreaks and numerous desertions; a good many plantations might be fired, and a number of fugitives might be added to the Federal army. But neither the issues of the struggle, nor the fate of the servile race would be thereby altered. The war would only be made more ferocious, and the condition of the slaves more miserable. * * These new Abolitionists do not conceal their motives; they have not the decency to pretend conviction; they seek, avowedly, nothing but an instrument of vengeance on their enemy, and an instrument so dastardly, involving the commission of outrages so horrible, that even a government which employs a Mitchell and a Butler must shrink from such a load of infamy."


The London correspondent of the New York Times (Radical) wrote as follows to that paper, in 1862:


sympathy-the everlasting negro. We have "We have still another object of British the most doleful pictures of his unhappy situation, deprived of his Southern home and its comforts, and turned out to freeze and starve. Rejected from some of the Free States, and Scorned in all, what is the poor negro to do? It is a fact that the leading Abolitionists in England are reproaching the Nat onal Government for bringing upon the negroes the calamity of sudden and unprovided freedom. It is costing millions-tasking the resources of a great nation to feed the idle operatives in How then, they say, can you provide for four millions of slaves, who become free by the Proclamation of President Lincoln on the 1st of January? The great mass of the abolitionists in England would ra her trust the negroes to their masters, than have them run the chances-or rather, meet, what they consider, the certain miseries of a forced and immediate emancipation. The abolition policy of the Government has utterly failed, so far as I have been able to learn, of finding any sympathy on this side of the Atlantic."



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ous Emancipationist, lately wrote a letter to | To-day the helm is in our hands, and you and the London Times, in which he says: I, if faithful, can say this to the nation, and the future: You may compromise when and where you please, with one exception, and that is, that the tap root of slavery shall be cut. [Applause.] Let thirty Senators and Representatives enter Congress under the proclamation, and what will be their first attempt? It will be, gentlemen, fund our debt. Your Representatives will want a tariff to pay Mr. Chase's interest. The reply of the South will be, "Granted, provided that you tack on to it, by way of rider, a tariff that will pay our interest too; only upon that condition shall you have a policy that is not tantamount to repudiation." Do you say that is not possible? Let me The builders of private ships in England have some $100,000,000 of this scrip. Suppose they come to the doors of your reconstructed Congress and say, "This paper is not worth five cents on the dollar, but we will give you $20,000,000 of it if you will make the other $80,000,000 worth par." Did you ever know a Congress that could not be bought for $20,000,000? Do you ever hope to see one? The first item of compromise, then, will be three or four thousand million dollars debt. I do not object to that particularly myself. It is the atonement which God demands of this nation for twenty years of sin. No sin is washed out in words. You cannot cheat the devil of his due. Our fathers sinned against that victim race; and God mortgages the hand of every living man, and every child that is to be born for the next half century, to atone for the nation's iniquity. There will be other compromises. One is the first element of Mr. Lincoln's project of reconstruction, which is this: He puts his own act and all the acts of Congress at the feet of the Supreme Court, and says the South is to swear to support the various acts of the government so far as the Supreme Court holds them to be valid. I do not say that he could say anything else. I am only telling you what he does say. What does his proclamation of January 1st, 1863, mean? Some members of the Cabinet say it means that any negro that can get hold of it is free. Mr. Chase says that every negro down to the Gulf that ever sees the flag is free. I asked the shrewdest member of the House of Representatives what he would give for the proclamation before the Supreme Court? "Little or nothing," he said.. A prominent New England Senator said to me the greatest danger to the proclamation was from the Supreme Court. Leading Republicans in my State say there is no law in it, that it is not worth the paper on which it is written. Mr. Lincoln says, as he ought to say, nothing. He cannot say anything. The meaning of that proclamation nobody knows until the Supreme Court has decided it. In other words, the proclamation of January 1, 1863, is to be filtered through the secession heart of a man in Baltimore, but his soul, if he has got one, is in Richmond. [Laughter.] It is το pass the ordeal of a Bench of Judges who made the D ed


"Allow me then to say, that if my father's life had been prolonged, I am certain on the one hand that his abhorance of slavery, and zeal for emancipation would not have lessened, and equally certain on the other hand, that he would have considered it a grievous crime to stir up insurrection and civil war; doubly so if it were done, not from mistaken benevolence, but from selfish political purposes. This, as Mr. Bexton truly says, is the only meaning of Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, if it has any meaning at all."


WENDELL PHILLIPS made a speech at the Cooper Institute, December 22, 1863. We select the cream of said speech:

X X X "What Grant has not done he will do. Not now. Every ounce of food his men eat is brought to them fifteen miles over the hills, and that arm of the service needs rest as well as the others. He may not be heard from for sixty or ninety days. But be assured of this-he won't sit down and dig. [Long continued applause.] When he does move, it will be to see the South retreat to the real Gulf States-Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi. They have no means of bringing food to this army, and the army must go to the food. But when they have reached it, when five or six millions of men make up their minds that the forlorn spot is reached, then be sure the war is not yet ended. The South is a brave people. Four years ago I said to you under this roof, "The South is no coward," and you laughed at me. You know now, that however deluded, the South does believe a lie, and, is willing to fight for it. The last forlorn refuge for such a people is a bloody fight. The war does not touch its end, and yet its end is certain, and we may now read it in the light of our power and our own perseverance. The Union is to be reconstructed with a cement that laughs all interference to scorn. Daniel Webster said the cement of the Union was the fugitive Slave bill. Sin never cemented anything. The cement of this Union is to be the mutual respect of the sections, bred of that blood which has mingled on bravely contested fields. The South thought of the Yankees as one who knew only how to cheat-she met him at Chattanooga and changed her mind The North thought of the South as only gasconade-she has struggled with her for four years, and learned to respect her sincerity if not her intelligence. Out of that mutual respect is to grow a Union as indestructible and as indivisable as the granite that holds up the continent. The question is here at the North, how far we will go. All civil wars are ended by compromise. There never was a civil war in history in which one party gained a clear victory. The only question is, what shall we compromise on? Once launched on the stormy, turbid waters of politics, you cannot tell.

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Scott decision, and announced that a negro | foundation for the articles just quoted from the has no rights that a white man is bound to reLondon Herald. The Tribune says: spect. It is to pass the ordeal of a set of Judges the majority of whom came out of the wickedness of Polk, Pierce, and Buchanan; and of the only two who refused to sanction the Dred Scott decision, one is in his grave, and the other has resigned. God help the negro if he hangs on Roger B. Taney for his liberty.[Sensation.] I am not here to speak of the portentous power of the Supreme Court. You know what it is, the Gibraltar of our spstem, the point where our democratic machine touches nearest to despotism. Taking our system of bowing to precedents, it is a system in which the opinion of the present day is checkmated by the prejudices of men who were appointed fifty years ago, and who are pledged to respect the prejudices of men who have been in their graves a hundred years. That is the meaning of the Supreme Court of the United States. That is the only hope that Mr. Lincoln's project holds out to you of the validity of the act of Congress and of his proclamations of September and January last. As Commander- "A great many expectations have been disin-Chief and author of these two instruments. appointed, and a great many confident predicI am not finding fault with Mr. Lincoln. Sup- tions have failed of realization in the progress pose you are tenant in a house. Your chimney of this war. In nothing has the disappointsmokes; but your lease is out in thirty days. ment been greater than in the results expected You throw up the window to make a draft. from the emancipation war policy, by those But the landlord remodels the chimney. Mr. most clamorous for it. They were very cerLincoln is a tenant at will, and goes out short-tain that the proclamation would give the Union ly. His proclamation is throwing up the win- cause a quick and sweeping triumph, and the dow to make a draft. As the landlord, let the President was fiercely denounced by politicians nation say we want him to remodel the chim- and persons of his own party, for allowing the ney. We want a platform which the Supreme 'sacrifice of Northern men' to go on when with Court cannot touch. [Applause.] As the a stroke of his pen he could remove the 'cause' quid pro quo for this war, I want something of of rebellion, and make it impotant for mischief. which I know the value to-day without consult- It was said that as soon as liberty should be ing Judge Wayne, Judge Grier, Judge Taney, proclaimed to the negroes, we should see the or Judge to soles of their feet. [Hisses.] If you don't think so, go and examine them; that's all. [Hisses and applause.] If they have reformed and repented, I shall be glad to know it. I judge them by the record-by their decisions. The New York Times asks me to-day whether I would not trust the negro where all white men have been trusted for the last seventy years. If I had no protection but the bond of the Supreme Court, I should have been in jail seven years ago; and as for the negro, that court has announced that he has no rights white men are bound to respect. What I ask of Mr. Lincoln in his behalf is, an amendment of the constitution, which his advice to congress would pass in 60 days, that hereafter there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any State of this Union. [Prolonged applause.] Mr. Seward wants the Mississippi chairs-the Senate chamber filled. So do I. He is for having them filled as they are. I am for making them so hot that a slaveholder cannot sit in them." THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE ON SERVILE INSURRECTION.

from the top of their headson, secessionists Southern soldiers scattering to their homes to

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In this connection, a word from the New York Tribune, may not be out of place, as a

"The rebels, not with the phantom, but with the reality of servile insurrection, by the sudden appearance in arms, in the region selected, of a body of no less than 5000 negroes, properly led by whites, and supported by regular troops, communication has been opened and kept up for some time by trustworthy contrabands with the bondsman cf the chosen field of operations, and they know when the liberating hosts will appear, and are ready to raise in thousands, and swell it to a wave so mighty that it will sweep both rebellion and slavery out of existence, wherever it may roll.”


The Springgeld (Mass.) Republican, a warm administration paper, frees its mind after the following fashion, in reference to the utter failure of the proclamation, March, 1863:

look after the chattels and negroes generally revolting and hastening to enlist under the standard of the Union, and so the necessity for further fighting on our part was to be removed. The predictions were made and repeated with so much confidence, that before the President issued his proclamation, many of his own party had come to consider him guilty, almost to the extent of treason, in delaying to speak the word which was to act like magic in the salvation of the Union. The style of menace in which the President was addressed on the subject is fresh in public recollection, although some who used it would now be glad to have it forgotten.


'Well, it is more than five months since the President announced his intention to proclaim emancipation, and two months since the proclamation was formally made, and the negroes still remain quietly on the Southern plantations. The rebel armies have not dispersed to hunt flying negroes, but are larger and stronger than ever before. The market price of negroes is at its highest-the negroes within our lines show no passionate eagerness to fight, and even Gen. Hunter has been obliged to resort to forcible conscription to fill up his negro regiments, and that too, where the expedient of

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