nefs, to treat about the redrefs of grievances. This the Lords of the Admiralty very properly refufed to do, as all grievances had then been fully redreffed, and the rest of the fleet had returned to its duty. It was afterwards ftated, and very strongly believed, that if the Lords of the Admiralty would go down to Sheerness, for the purpose of having it diftinctly understood, that they would not confent to any additional demand; that this declaration, not made in the fhape of a negotiation, or of a conceflion, but in an authoratative ftyle, declining any farther negotiation, the effect of it would be to put an end to that opinion which was fuppofed to exift among the failors, that by holding out they would obtain whatever they wanted. With that view the Board of Admiralty went down. They returned, declaring they would not enter into any negotiation, but that they were willing to grant them his Majefty's pardon, and place them in the fame fituation with the reft of the fleet. This explanation he had thought it neceffary to give, in order to fet the Honourable Gentleman right upon a moft important point.

There was another part of the Honourable Gentleman's fpeech to which he wifhed to fay a few words. The Honourable Gentleman had expreffed his difapprobation of the sentiments contained in the latter part of the Addrefs; but he was sure the Honourable Gentleman muft labour under a mifconception upon this fubject. He was anxious that the Honourable Gentleman fhould not form any opinion upon the measures that were to be propofed, until he had feen them. The Honourable Gentleman did not furely mean to contend, that in no fituation of affairs, under no circumstances, an alteration in the law, to a certain extent, might not be proper. When offences became more dangerous in their confequences, and more frequent in their commiffion, and that too at a critical period of time, the Legiflature were undoubtedly bound to interfere, and to make fome provision that might fecure public tranquillity and individual fafety. Under thefe circumstances he begged the Honourable Gentleman not to let his apprehenfions run away with him, and hurry him to a decifion before the measure was proposed or could be examined. The Honourable Gentleman feemed to think there was an intention of propofing fanguinary laws; he could affure that Gentleman and the Houfe, that no fuch idea exifted. He begged pardon for trefpaffing upon the House, but he thought it right to give the Honourable Gentleman praise for the language with which he commenced his fpeech; fecondly, to fet him right in a mistake into which he had fallen; and laftly, to requeft him not to oppose the Address from an apprehenfion for which there was no foundation.

Mr.

Mr. Baker thought the Honourable Gentleman entitled to praife for much of what he had faid this night. He wished, however, he had avoided fome expreffions which might be attended with bad effects. The Honourable Gentleman had certainly a right to comment upon the erection of Barracks, but in quoting the words of a Right Honourable Gentleman he could have wifhed that he had not marked the expreffion--of making the foldiers deaf, if the people could not be made dumb---in the way, he did; for what inference would be drawn from it? That the foldiers had been fhut up for fear of catching the contagion. It was impoffible to pafs along the streets without feeing and admiring the loyalty of the foldiers. He believed that this fpirit of difaffection did not go into the hearts of the British feamen, and that in every fhip it extended but to a small part of the crew; and he had every reafon to believe, from various fources of information which he had access to, that the great body of the failors were extremely loyal, and would foon return to their duty. He faid, this was a fubject upon which he felt fo much that he could fcarcely exprefs himself, and he should not have troubled the Houfe, but from a wifh to pay his tribute to the honour of the British foldiery.

Mr. Hobhoufe faid, that no man could lament more than he did the tranfactions that had been alluded to, and the machinations complained of, fuppofing them to be true. It appeared, however, to him, that the latter part of the Addrefs contained an implication which it ought not to have done. The Houfe was called upon to exprefs their readiness to confider what provifions were neceffary? This was a confeffion that the existing laws were infufficient. He was ready, for his part, to join in the Addrefs, provided it was understood that he had a right to combat the Bill when it was introduced. If Minifters, however, fhould be able to prove that by the machinations of particular perfons these evils had been brought about; that the exifting. laws were infufficient; and that the Bill was calculated to remedy the infufficiency, then he fhould certainly fupport it. An Honourable Member had adverted to fome expreffions that had been used respecting barracks, and lamented that they had been ufed. This furely was a doctrine to which he could not affent, and which, if true, prevented all freedom of debate, by preventing animadverfions on the conduct of Minifters. But if it were imprudent to have made ufe of fuch expreffions, it was certainly much more imprudent in the Honourable Gentleman to have made them more notorious by adverting to them. It gave him great pleafure to hear the Honourable Gentleman fay that the hearts of the seamen were still found. He hoped and trufted the Honourable Gentleman's information would prove true, and

that

that they would once more prove the honour and security of this country.

Mr. Baker explained.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer declared, that in expreffing his anxiety for unanimity in voting the propofed Addrefs, he was indeed influenced by the most important confiderations. He wished for fuch an unanimity as would lay a juft foundation for future profperity--for one on which he placed the most favourable augury, the unanimity of the nation at large---an unanimity not in fupport of Adminiftration, but in fupport of the Conftitution itfelf, and of all thofe laws by which it was guarded. The country was called upon to be unanimous in a conteft which embraced every thing that was most valuable to its deareft interests. Whatever difference of opinion might prevail in the minds of Gentlemen on former points, there could not exist a fhadow of doubt with refpect to the prefent queftion. It was now indifpenfibly neceffary for them to unite in one common caufe; it was incumbent on them to confolidate their efforts, to reconcile their different views, to concentrate their individual exertions, and to give energy and vigour to the laws, without which it was impoffible there could be any folid happiness. It was not merely by declarations that they were bound to proceed, but by a fpirit and promptitude of action, and a firm refolution and readinefs to fupport the execution of the laws by military fubordination and legal obedience. It became their duty to give a refiftlets efficacy to that conduct through every corner of the metropolis, and through every part of the kingdom. By fuch measures they could alone difappoint the dark and malig nant efforts of the enemy; and he was proud to fay that to fo glorious an unanimity there was nothing that he would not cheerfully facrifice. He therefore hoped, that nothing would in fact be found in the latter part of the Addrefs, that could in the flighteft degree tend to deftroy the unanimity of the House in agreeing to it. When he came to confider the nature and the terms of it, he was completely at a lofs to find one word that could appear objectionable. The Houfe could not be fuppofed to pledge themfelves particularly to agree to the Bill which was about to be brought in. They merely pledged themselves to this, that purfuant to his Majefty's recommendation to Parliament to make more effectual provifion, for the purpose of ftrengthening the prefent laws which related to military obedience and difcipline, they would confider of the propriety of thote meafures which might be deemed neceffary for that specific object. The House, therefore, in voting for the Addrefs, went no farther than to declare, that they would act in compliance with his Majefty's recommendation, but did not

preclude

preclude themfelves from taking into their mature confideration
the nature of the Bill, nor did they by fuch a vote debar them-
felves from withholding their affent to any matter that mig it ap-
But though he was fo particularly
pear objectionable in it.

anxious to fecure uanimity in paling the Addrefs, he did not,
with a view of obtaining that dearable meature, with to con-
ceal or protra the delivery of his fentiments on any part of it.
His conviction of the propriety of the Bill was formed on the
ground of the greatest necefity, and, ftrongly impreffed with
the idea that it was abfolutely requifite to give dispatch to the
operation of it, he should move, the moment the Addrefs was
carried, for leave to prefent the B II, and if it was then agreed
to, he thould aif, propofe the fecond reading of it to take place
the next day. He alfo thought it neceflary to premife, that the
further difcuffion of the Bill would be carried on as speedily as
poffible.

An Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Hobhouse) who had spoken
against the latter part of the Addrefs, declared that he referved
to himself the liberty of oppoing the Bill. A de laration of that
nature was by no means neceffary, becaufe no Gentleman could
be fuppofed to pledge himflf to meatures which he had in all
inftances the freedom of difcuffing and difagreeing with. He
would not undertake to convince the fcrupies of an Honourable
Gentleman (Mr. Sheridan) on every point which was contained
in the latter part of the Addrefs, but he entertained an opinion
that he was competent to do fo on fom: points which app ared
peculiarly fatisfactory to himfel. The provifions of the Bill
did not go beyond the necefity of the cafe, and this statement
he would undertake in the most diret and politive manner to
support; but if the Honourable Gentleman meant that it was
requifite to prove the extence of particular acts on board each
of his Majefty's fhips, whi h were then in a state of mutiny, he
fhould freely declare that he would undertake no fuch thing.
He took the ground of pro eeding with the Bill to be derived
from a plain and fair, opinion, on which the public mind and
Parliament might be fully fatisfied as in many other cafes of
equal notoriety. That the fpeeches of this or that emiffary of
faction and general anarchy had produced mutiny in particular
fhips, he would not pretend to fay; but the public opinion with
refpect to the diforganized ftate of thefe hips, and the causes
which had firft produced the difobedience, and continued to up-
hold it, was founded on grounds unhappily too notorious in all
inftances, too much felt in fome cafes, too ftrongly proved, but
fortunately defeated in others. On thefe grounds, he fhould,
therefore, propofe the Bill. He thought it neceffary, in con-
candid
fequence of what had fallen from Gentlemen, to submit these
96
No. 43.

candid fatements which decided his conviction on the propriety of the meafure, and he begged pardon of the House for having troubled them a fecond time, but he felt, from the great importance of the fubject, from the preffing exigence of the cafe, and from the prefent crifis of public affairs, that it was the duty of every man zealoufly to unite in a measure, which, by fecuring the obedience and difcipline of his Majefty's forces, preferved the country from the efforts of its domeftic and foreign enemies.

The queftion was then put on the Addrefs, which was agreed

to nem. con.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer then rofe, to move for leave to bring in a Bill for the better prevention and punishment of all traitorous attempts to excite fedition and mutiny in his Majefty's fervice; or to withdraw any part of his Majesty's forces by fea or land from their duty and allegiance to him, and from that obedience and difcipline which are fo important to the profperity and fafety of the British Empire: which being feconded by the Attorney General,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer addreffed the Houfe to the following purport." I have already faid that I did not think it incumbent on me to reft the propriety and expediency of this Bill on individual cafes, or on particular and diftinct acts of mutiny: I conceive it to be enough to induce the Houfe to adopt the measure; that the frequency and malignity of the attempt to excite mutiny is a fact fo notorious, that no reasonable man can refufe his affent to it. From my official fituation, it has fallen to my fhare more, perhaps, than moft Gentlemen, to see different detached pieces of evidence, and to become acquainted with various circumftances, which in the events which have taken place, demonftrate the operation of the causes to which I allude. Every individual Gentleman must have feen from his own obfervation, and experienced fuch particular facts, as are enough to furnish a conviction of the exiftence of the attempts which we are defirous to prevent. Gentlemen must have seen, by emiffaries being at work at fecret hours, by the hand-bills which have been induftriously circulated and dispersed in every part where they were likely to attract the attention of the fol diers in the army, that the engines of fedition have been diligently employed to produce those baneful effects on fhore, which have unfortunately taken place in fome parts of the fleet.

had an opportunity to fee that these attempts have been connected by a regular and concerted fyftem; that they were not cafual or confined to particular fpots, but diffufed all over the country, appearing in different, and the moft diftant places, on the fame day, often at the fame moment. At Newcastle, at Nottingham,