ent grades of sugars and molasses, I copied the following figures one day in February, 1886, from the bulletin board of sales made at the Exchange. Open-kettle sugar ranged from 2 cents per pound for inferior of lowest grade to 5% cents; centrifugals from 45% for "seconds" to 64 cents; molasses from 20 cents for centrifugal to 27 for open kettle.

In St. Mary's parish farmers who have no sugar-houses are raising cane, crushing it, and conveying the juice through pipes to centrally located sugar-houses, just as petroleum is conveyed by the Pennsylvania pipe-lines. This system promises to have important results in opening the cane-planting industry to men of small means who cannot own large plantations and expensive apparatus.

I saw on two plantations on the "Lower Coast" a portable railway used for hauling the canes from the fields to the mill. The planters said it effected an important economy in the labor of men and animals. Rails and ties were moved from road to road as the cutting progressed.

In Ascension parish a tenant system has been in successful operation for several years. A large land-owner leases his land to small farmers, white and colored, buying the canes of them at a fixed price per ton. The tenants get their houses free of rent. In recent years barrels have entirely taken the place of hogsheads as receptacles of sugar except for the open-kettle sugar. Nevertheless the hogshead is still the unit of measurement in speaking of the crop of plantations, parishes, or the State. The Louisiana sugar country is usually divided into the following districts, all lying below Red River: the Upper Coast, the Lower Coast, Bayou Lafourche, Terrebonne, and St. Mary's on Bayou Teche. The Upper Coast is the most important.

About one-fourth of the sugar estates are said to be owned by Northern men who have come to Louisiana since the war. As a rule they are more successful than the old planters. Many plantations are in the hands of New Orleans banks that have taken them in payment of loans. If sold by the sheriff, a plantation will not bring much more than the cost of the sugar-house and machinery. No estimates I have heard agree as to the number of estates still in the possession of the families owning them before the war. Some place it is as low as 10 per cent., some as high as 33. Next to the negro the mule is the most important force on the sugar plantation. No mules are raised in Louisiana. All are brought from Kentucky, Tennessee, or Missouri. Horses do not long endure hard work in the hot, moist climate of Louisiana lowlands. The mule is much more hardy and longer-lived.

The plantations do not feed their laborers. nor their animals. Sometimes a little corn is raised; oftener none. Hay is put up from cowpeas. Flour, bacon, corn-meal, potatoes, oats, and baled timothy hay came from the North. A planter cultivating about 700 acres will pay out $50,000 during the year for labor, victuals, clothing, and forage before he gets a dollar back. Nearly all this money goes to Northern farmers and manufacturers.

Whisky-drinking is a common vice among the plantation negroes. Looking over the books of a plantation store in Terrebonne parish, I observed that among the items charged in each entry there was pretty sure to be a quart of whisky. Indeed whisky occurred oftener in the accounts than bacon or flour.

Indian corn-meal is no longer the staple bread-stuff on the plantations, as in the days. of slavery. The negroes prefer wheat flour, and insist on having a good quality. They consume large quantities of bacon and salt pork. Fresh beef they seldom eat. They vary the monotony of hot biscuits and bacon with game and fish. Rabbits abound, wild ducks are plentiful, and rivers, bayous, and bays af ford an abundant supply of fish.

Among the planters I hear two radically different opinions as to the future of the canesugar industry in Louisiana. A planter who is using old-fashioned apparatus, carrying heavy mortgages, and paying 12 or 15 per cent. interest and commissions, thinks the business is going to ruin. On the other hand, a planter who has a sugar-house equipped with the best machinery, and is every year getting more cane to the acre, more juice to the ton of cane, and a larger percentage of sugar from the juice, believes that the industry is only in its infancy. The scientific study of fertilizers and drainage, and further improvements in the processes of sugar-making, will result in still greater yields, he says, and if Congress will let the tariff alone for ten years Northern capital will be attracted to the industry; much wild land will be diked and drained, and Louisiana, with the aid of the beet-sugar factories of the Pacific Coast, and the sorghum of the West, will furnish sweets enough for the entire population of the United States.

Hawaiian sugar is sold to the New Orleans refiners at two cents per pound less than the price in San Francisco. The excuse for the Hawaiian treaty was to give the people of the Pacific Coast cheap sugar. It has no such effect. The exemption from duties is simply a bounty to the Hawaiian producer, to enable him to compete with our own planters. The price of sugar in San Francisco is always the Eastern price, plus the high transcontinental freight rate. Hawaiian sugar coming East is

OMPOSITE photographs of college classes should furnish more important evidence as to the value of this method of typical representation than any which could be derived from composites of less closely related groups. The likenesses and the differences which might be found to exist should lead to some interesting conclusions in regard to the limitations of the process.

When the composite portrait of the class of '86 at Smith College* was made, it was my plan to make composites of the succeeding Senior classes, and I hoped at some time to be able to secure composites of classes in other colleges. This hope has been already realized, as the accompanying illustrations show. Through the courtesy and coöperation of friends in a number of colleges and universities, the students were interested in the matter, and arrangements were made with various photographers for taking the special negatives necessary for the purpose. These were all sent to me, and from them the composites were made in the manner described in the March CENTURY. To these portraits and that of the Harvard Faculty, for which negatives were made at the same time as those of the Harvard Seniors and students of the "Annex," I am fortunately able to add one of the students of Wells College, which was made by Professor French of that college, and one of a class of nurses at the McLean Asylum Training School, which Dr. Cowles has been kind enough to place at my disposal.

The first question which these composite *See THE CENTURY for March, 1887.

VOL. XXXV.-19.

photographs enable us to answer is: Will all Senior classes of the same college yield the same composite face? Any one who will take the trouble to compare the portrait of the class of '87 Smith with that of the class of '86 will see at a glance that this is not the case. The groups are not large enough to give in both cases (or in either) the general type of the Smith Senior. There is a difference as distinct as the impression which different classes make upon the minds of their instructors or fellow-students. The class individuality asserts itself, and we can hope to get the general type only when a co-composite of many class composites can be made; and this will then be perhaps somewhat aside from the present truth, for I suspect that the type of Senior in most American colleges (and especially in those for women) is slowly changing.

With the answer to this question one anticipates the answer to another which many have asked: Would the composites of the same class in different colleges for women (or for men) be identical?

Yet, though prepared for a negative, many will probably be surprised at the great diversity which is shown in the experimental answer given by these Senior portraits which lie before us.

Although we are not justified in taking any of these as exhibiting the general type of Senior in the particular college, they must be regarded as approximations to that type, and closer approximations as the number of the group is larger. Perhaps in the case of Harvard the number is large enough to give accurately the general type. They serve thus fairly well to show the diversities in type of the students at the colleges and universities

FIVE WOMEN) OF THE CLASS OF '87 AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY. ABOUT 75 PER CENT. FROM NEW YORK AND PENNSYLVANIA. (FROM NEGATIVES BY EVANS, OF ITHACA.)

ONE

HUNDRED AND

which are represented. These diversities are the resultants of many conditions. The difference in locality from which the students are drawn is perhaps the most tangible of these conditions, and is probably a considerable factor in the result. But many of the conditions are much too subtile to be dealt with by any ordinary statistical method, and can find fitting expression only in the composite photograph. This shows at a glance much that the statistician's tables could never give, and tells many things which could not find adequate expres

OF '87 AT THE SHEFFIELD SCIENTIFIC SCHOOL. ABOUT 40 PER CENT. FROM NEW ENGLAND (CHIEFLY CONN.); 32 PER CENT. FROM THE MIDDLE STATES. (FROM NEGATIVES BY PACH.)

sion in words. The influences of parentage, of home-training, of the "atmosphere" of the college in which three or four years have been spent-in a word, of heredity and environment - are here all summed up and averaged.

Along with the differences in these faces of college students, one cannot fail to note a certain "family resemblance." While this is doubtless increased by the general effect of a process which eliminates all strong individual characteristics and leaves a somewhat colorless expression, it is due chiefly to the inherent

similarity of the groups. Each class forms a group whose variation from the type shown in the co-composites is not very great, a fact rendered more distinct by comparison of the fair collegians with the attractive nurse of the training school.

In the article on composite photography in the March CENTURY the possible influence of the order of exposing the components in making composites was discussed, and it was stated that there was very conclusive experimental evidence to the effect that the order of exposure made no difference. In spite of this statement it has been said to me again and again by those who professed to have read the article with attention, that "of course" the negative last (or first) exposed must control the result. A well-known photographer, in commenting on the article in a photographic journal, writes: "In our opinion the master face of the group is always bound to assert itself, and by master (or mistress) we mean the first image impressed upon the film."

In the co-composites it is probable that the number of faces is large enough to yield a general type. They were made in such a way,by exposures of the single composites for times which were proportional to the number of individuals in each group,- that the results are the same as those which would have been obtained by making them directly from the original negatives. Co-composites of succeeding classes in the same institutions would not, I fancy, vary much, if at all, from these. The types which they give are the general ones of students in all these representative colleges. Marked resemblances to one of the composites are to be noticed in each of these co-composites. A like similarity has been sometimes remarked in comparing the individuals of a group with their composite portrait, and only goes to prove that the individual or group in which the likeness to the blended portrait is detected, comes very near to the average of the entire number.

HOPKINS,

SHEFFIELD SCIENTIFIC, AND WILLIAMS

COMPOSITES. A GROUP OF 449.