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A LATE PAINTING BY PRINCE EUGEN OF SWEDEN SHOWING THE VIEW FROM THE
This residence was built by the Prince
That evening ended, as all Swedish supper parties, with tea served indoors in the drawing-room. By the window sat Zorn with a box of cigars beside him, enjoying to the full the contours and color of the Northern summer night. Prince Eugen remained standing, and when he looked out of the window his eyes seemed to be searching in the bright Northern night for hidden, spiritual contacts and themes for his paintings.
Some twenty-five years ago a Swedish art collector, Mr. Thorsten Laurin, a friend of the Prince, conceived the
happy thought of making a systematic effort to bring real art into the schools. He and his associates maintained that every schoolroom should contain at least a first-class reproduction of some masterpiece of art to which the pupil could daily accustom his eyes. Not only this, but they were so ambitious as to hope that living artists would paint for the schools or sell their work for a reasonable price to serve the popular cause. The society which they founded is called Konsten i skolan (Art in the School). No one has taken a greater interest in the work of this society to propagate art in the schools than Prince Eugen. With princely generosity, he has ordered paintings for this purpose from his fellow-artists. Not only has he played the part of Mæcenas, but he has often stood for months at a time decorating with his own brush schoolhouses in process of construction. In 1904 he executed for the auditorium of the Northern Latin School in Stockholm a decorative panel of a Swedish summer landscape. More famous is his large fresco of the city of Stockholm bathed in sunlight in the auditorium of the new östermalm Latin School, in Stockholm, a schoolhouse built in a remarkable return to mediæval monastic designs by Ragnar Ostberg, the architect who designed the new Town Hall.
This theme of the open sunlit landscape was expanded two years later in Eugen's triumph in the monumentaldecorative style, the altar-piece for the church at Kiruna, north of the Arctic Circle in Lapland. This church is something quite unique in ecclesiastical architecture. There is nothing like it under
the sun, for it is an attempt to symbolize the artistic aspirations of the Lapps, who themselves have no other buildings than their wigwams of reindeer skin. Prince Eugen's task was to create an altar-piece, and he approached it in a spirit of reverent inspiration. Conceiving that the Lapps and the people of the Arctic in their dreams preferred to picture sunny southern lands, he has chosen a landscape from a more sunny part of Sweden. No temple or human figure disturbs the scene. A clump of trees occupies the center of the picture, with a blue light around their crowns. The whole peaceful landscape is blessed by the rays of the sun. On entering the church at Kiruna one needs no sermon nor choir to stimulate to worship. Prince Eugen's altar-piece, pervading the place, impels one to bend his knees and lift up his heart. While there is no text, the work seems to be suffused with the spirit of the Twentythird Psalm: "He leadeth me beside the still waters. He restoreth my soul." Few modern paintings, whether secular or religious, have been more truly the result of inspiration than this painting, utterly devoid though it is of any conventional religious symbolism.
Prince Eugen is still in the prime of his powers as an artist. During the last years he has devoted practically all of his working hours to decorating the new Town Hall of Stockholm. Month after month Prince Eugen has gone daily from his palace to this building while under construction, finding his way in and out among the workmen, to paint on its walls a series of motives from the shores of Stockholm. These are now finished. In the winter of 1920, Prince Eugen made a pilgrimage to Greece and Italy. Always a student as well as an artist, Prince Eugen came under the spell of the decorations in Tuscan palaces, from the end of the fourteenth century, and when he returned to Stockholm he took his studio again to the Town Hall, to a smaller room, where he began a new series of paintings under Italian influence. To get them done in time he had to give up all his plans for the summer. These decorations are ornamental and make use of only three colors-red, gray, and black. Among the motives used are Swedish shrubs and the arms of heroes of Swedish history.
During these last years the people of Stockholm have been able to point with pride to the walls and towers of their new Town Hall reflected in Lake Mälar, and to tell the stranger that within, where the masons and plasterers had finished, their painter-prince was at work with the rest, leaving a synthetic memorial of his glorious art and his love of their city. In the future tourists of every country visiting Stockholm will go to the Town Hall in much the same spirit with which they enter the palaces of Italy, to see the inspired labor of the patriotic painter-prince who "for the joy of the working" has consecrated his genius to his country.
Can they see that the earth we walk is only a shifting quicksand?
That our very virtues are snares where we writhe in impotent fear?
Do they know how we pray through the midst of our sins asking for pity and pardon,
How can they bear it at all, if they love us ever so little?
How can they bear to watch the way we struggle and fall and rise?
THE BOY MAKES THE MAN
AN APPRECIATION OF GOVERNOR NATHAN L. MILLER, OF NEW YORK
BY FREDERICK M. DAVENPORT
MEMBER OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
ATHAN L. MILLER, the present Governor of the State of New York, has become a National figure. It is a fitting time to appraise him from the root up. Whence came he? What are the dominant characteristics of his personality? What are the guiding principles of his career? What sort of a public record of accomplishment has he? How comes it that he is in high favor with the political machine and yet a leader of sound public policy? What is there about him that should appeal to the Mississippi Valley and to the Pacific Coast as well as to the State of New York? Has he the permanent quality of National statesmanship?
The story of his beginnings is the simple American story of a plain home in the farming country of Cortland County in the commonwealth of New York, the story of a hard-working mother with a vision for her son, the story of a boyhood and young manhood of struggle out of narrow and difficult circumstances into an environment where his conspicuous talents might have full play.
His parents were rent-paying farmers with inconsiderable property of any kind. His greatest inheritance was the inheritance of every real man-a real mother of noble character who sacrificed for him and kept him in school as best she could until he graduated from the
Cortland Normal and became a teacher. I met recently a classmate of the Governor's in the Cortland Normal of the year 1887, who gave me her impression of the boy of that period. "He seemed but a mere lad," she said, "although he was about eighteen years old. He was small of stature, no taller than the smallest girl in the class. He was diffident and very modest about his attainments, with that indefinable quality which came in later years sometimes to be interpreted as cold austerity. But it was never that. He was never cold and haughty. There were always a graciousness of manner, a cordiality and faithfulness in friendship, a firmness in decision, and a genuineness of character which impressed us with his straightforward honesty. He was particularly brilliant in mathematics and Latin, because of his keen, shrewd mind. 'Little Nate,' as he was jokingly called, was not only our schoolmate, but our friend, our brother, our comrade in all the activities of those never-to-be-forgotten days."
For several years the boy Nathan taught school near his home in order that he might attach himself to a law office in Cortland and become prepared for the legal profession. He never had the training of the great law schools of the country, but his mind natively was deep and shrewd and wise and there are
few graduates of Harvard Law or Columbia who to-day can match him in legal learning or acumen.
He scraped along on his own re sources, a poor boy in the best sense of the term. Soon he was elected school commissioner of his district, and shortly afterward was admitted to the bar. His talents were legal and political from the beginning. He at once displayed great ability at the bar. His neighbors are witnesses that there never was anything mercenary about his practice. He had no thrifty regard for money. Up to the time of his going upon the bench of the State of New York poor people were mainly his clients. The fact that they could or could not pay had not the slightest influence upon the way he handled their cases. He gave the best that was in him always. He became by all odds the chief trial lawyer of his county at thirty-five, when he was called to the bench. He was a jury lawyer, forceful and eloquent. His experience on the bench has taken a great deal of that particular quality away from him, but his rational sway over the jury mind is a part of the tradition of his county in his early period.
Beginning in his twenties, he showed great adaptability to politics. His first political address was in the little coun try village of McLean, where he was
Photograph by C. H. Overton, Cortland, N. Y. NATHAN MILLER IN 1887, AT THE AGE OF 18
teaching at the time of the organization of a Harrison and Reid campaign club in the fall of 1892. The village folks thought he did exceedingly well; so wel! that when, in the following winter season, a home talent dramatic entertainment was given in McLean, the young school-teacher was invited to participate. The community also remembers about this that his talents in drama were as inadequate as his campaign speech had been triumphant. Miller never was an actor. He never could be. Whatever he thinks or whatever he does has naturally the clear merit of being real, genuine, and straightforward.
In 1897 the Republican party in his home county was very badly beaten by a fusion ticket, and the time was ripe for a change in leadership. It came the next year, when Miller, at the age of thirty, became the undisputed political head of his county. In 1902 he was appointed Comptroller of the State of New York to fill an unexpired term, and at the succeeding election retained his seat by the vote of the people of the State. In less than a year, however, he was appointed by Governor Odell to suc ceed Justice Burr Mattice, who had died.
It was this ten-year period from 1892 to 1902 which gave him his practical grip upon the machinery and organization of politics in the State of New York. He sat with the Platt leaders in the frequent meetings in the city of New York. He learned exactly how the wheels go round and why they go. Naturally loyal though he was to the
party organization, he perceived already that some of the Platt practices were exceedingly harmful to the party and the country. He grew up in the old school of politics and his later judicial training made him cautious and con servative. Nevertheless nothing has ever counted so much with Nathan Miller as integrity and reasonableness in any public man or in any party policy. And his old acquaintances in politics laud his sound judgment as an organiza tion man and his unerring instinct as to what was the right thing to do.
Miller's early profound political experience has been of enormous advantage to him as Governor. He understands the psychology of the average party man and political leader in the State of New York as no Governor has in the present generation. He has been able to work with the politicians in and out of the Legislature with less friction than has been the case with any Governor I have ever heard of. They feel him to be in a very real sense one of their kind, and when he asks them out of his clear vision and determination and intelligence to do things which they never dreamed of they just do them without cavil or reproach.
It is this early cautious organization training in the old school and the long separation from active issues while he was on the bench and a naturally quiet and unheated mind which give in Governor Miller the accurate impression of a conservative personality. Many individuals of a progressive temperament have consequently been misled into the belief that the Governor was a friend of reaction. There is nothing in that. Whether they say much about it or not. dyed-in-the-wool business and political reactionaries in the State of New York are as disappointed in Miller as the most hectic liberal. When the Governor took firm hold of the deplorable transit situation in the city of New York, the more reactionary representatives of the property interest in metropolitan transportation were in high glee. They are more sober now. The Miller policy in New York traction affairs lends itself as little to reactionary injustice as it does to Hearstian or Hylanian demagogy. And certain politicians are not reconciled at all to the Governor's waste-saving reforms. The light of reason and sound sense illumines brightly the economic and political area of the commonwealth under the Miller leadership. There is not much room for the bogies of reaction or radicalism within range of the Miller vision.
It is true that the Governor has grown in sensitiveness to wise measures of human advance since he has been at the head of the government in Albany. Early in his administration progressive persons thought that they detected a defect in sympathy on the human side of government. Whatever there was to that is an aftermath of a necessarily secluded life upon the bench in the
(C) Paul Thompson
GOVERNOR MILLER OF NEW YORK (A recent photograph) period between 1903 and 1915, when the country was ablaze with liberalism under Roosevelt and his compeers. Transport a judge from the bench once again to the human arena of politics and government, and you must give him as much time as a kitten to get his eyes open. We all remember how it was with Hughes in 1916. But if a judge has it in him, as Hughes has and Miller has, he soon sees things as they are forming in the mold of the popular will, and guides his policies rationally in accordance therewith.
I call Governor Miller a conservative liberal. He is willing to go as far in reasonable advance as the government and the people are able to pay for and manage measures of advance. The trouble with the radical liberal in most periods, but especially in the present economic crisis, is that he would have us in hot water and bankruptcy at the same time. Miller would make us think as we go and pay as we go and always have a little balance of caution in the policy and money in the treasury. His administration at Albany has been characterized by intelligence, economy, and responsibility. In a time of chaos Miller would lay anew in industry and politics the economic foundations of an ordered liberty. The Port of New York, the transit system of the metropolis, the barge canal, the unused water powers of the State, the penal and charitable institutions, the government bureaus, the political machines, have all felt the molding and developing touch of the
master hand. And liberal measures of progress have not been forgotten. The juvenile court idea, which Judge Lindsay has made immortal, is established by the Miller administration for the commonwealth of New York. Hereafter dependent, delinquent, and neglected children will be taken care of without giving them a criminal record, and those of them who prove worthy and competent will have their chance in the human society of which they are a part. Another important piece of evidence of liberal interest in human welfare on the part of the Miller administration is to be found in the establishment and generous endowment of a division of maternity, infancy, and child hygiene in the State Department of Health. This piece of humanitarian policy is designed to accomplish under State auspices, State rules, and State funds much more than is contemplated by the widely heralded Sheppard-Towner Maternity Act of the National Congress. New York accepts no funds from the Nationa! Government, repudiates the SheppardTowner Act as an encroachment in a subtle fashion upon the activities of the States, but undertakes on its own initiative to protect to its utmost mothers and little children not knowing how or not. able to care for themselves.
Miller was a member of the highest courts of the State of New York between 1903 and 1915. He was on the trial bench for a little more than a year, when he was designated by the then Governor Odell to the appellate division of the Second Department in Brooklyn. He remained there until he was selected by Governor Hughes in 1909 for the First Department of New York, because Hughes wished to make the First Department a very strong appellate division. Here he stayed until 1912, when Governor Sulzer designated him to sit on the Court of Appeals. He therefore had in the Comptrollership and the various courts a wide administrative and judicial experience. Abruptly in 1915 he resigned from the Court of Appeals before he was fotry-seven years of age.
The sources of his power are clear. He has by nature a very keen legal, analytical, logical mind, with a fine edge from experience. He has the capacity to devote himself assiduously to his daily task. In spite of a somewhat frail body from boyhood, he can assimilate any quantity of hard work. His mind is able to concentrate closely upon an argument and take eagle flight through briefs and records to find out what the issue is. While he was a local political leader in his young manhood, he was noted for his remarkable judgment. He was a strategist of no mean order. And these qualities have grown with his growth and strengthened with his strength. And withal he is very quiet and modest and even-tempered, with nothing vindictive in his nature; a very courteous man, patient, unruffled, and unafraid.
There is about him no sentimentality and almost no visible emotion. But that there is a deep vein of true sentiment in him, let the following attest. One of his first acts after he had begun to accumulate a surplus in the law was to purchase a fine farm of seventy-five acres near the village of Cortland, upon which he placed his father and mother in their declining years. They had lived on the farm a very short time when his mother, of whom he was very fond, suddenly died. A little time afterward he came from New York to spen1 the Sunday in the village of Cortland, and asked one of his closest friends to walk with him to the cemetery where the body of his mother was buried. It was a site which he himself had selected, so he told his friend, on high ground overlooking the little farm of seventy-five acres, which, he said, had been the center of almost the whole of the unworried content and happiness which his mother had ever known.
The taunt of the demagogue seeks to brand Miller as a corporation lawyer on the ground that he has frequently been since he left the bench the attorney for corporate business. Corporation lawyer as an opprobrious epithet came with the wave of emotional liberalism out of the West, where the main form of corporate business is the railway and where the term corporation lawyer means a railway counsel who lobbies in Washington and is the hired man of railway power, with at least the assumption running against him as a free and independent American citizen. In the East, on the other hand, any man who aspires to the front rank of legal eminence is sure to be the counsel in much corporate business, because in the East the main forms of business are corporate in character.
FREDERICK W. CLAMPETT, a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, and a keen student of the problems of his native land, presents an extraordi narily clear picture of conditions in Ireland in an article which will appear in next week's Outlook.
What Bernard Shaw said to him concerning De Valera is as compact and trenchant a comment upon the folly of the Irish Republican leaders as anything we have seen. It represents Shaw at his best.
And many lawyers of the first rank and of the first quality of citizenship, who keep the door of their offices wide open to all who may wish to enter as clients, naturally have much corporate business as their experience and reputation enlarge. But the real men among them are not affected in their obligations or opinions as American citizens. Lesser ones among them may, and unquestionably often do, imbibe corporate bias which they sometimes carry with them into citizenship and government. the real ones do not. One afternoon at two o'clock, when the Great Northern Securities case was before the Supreme Court of the United States, a representative of Morgan and Hill appeared at the office of Elihu Root and retained him as counsel. At four o'clock on the same afternoon Edward H. Harriman, who was arrayed against Morgan and Hill in the substance of this famous case, also appeared in the office of Elihu Root, seeking to retain him as counsel. If Harriman had arrived at ten minutes before two instead of at four o'clock, Mr. Root would have been Harriman's counsel, and not Morgan's, before the Supreme Court of the United States. But when Elihu Root was in the Senate of the United States or was High Commissioner of the American Nation at The Hague or in the great international conference at Washington, his country was his client, and all the powers of an intellect unsurpassed in this generation were employed for his country.
When Nathan L. Miller left the bench, he became the counsel for a great corporation. But he retained the right to have private clients and argue cases, and his most important business until he became Governor was the defending of causes of great moment before the First Department Appellate Division and the Court of Appeals. The point is that he has a mind of far too great keenness and integrity to be influenced by corporate bias. Throughout his term as Governor his State has been his client.
He is a National example. There is no State in the Union where precisely the things which most need to be done in the present governmental crisis have been so well done as in the State of New York under the Miller Governorship. And he has maintained a practically perfect party solidarity in the Legisla ture. He has recognized the unquestionable fact that the American system of government cannot work without responsible leadership, and he has had the human tact and the practical sagacity as well as the high intelligence to furnish the leadership.
Miller can think. And he can act. And he has the courage to do the thing which for the moment may be unpopular, but which is right and is rapidly discovered to be right by public opinion. In the possession of these qualities he is a National asset. The country at large has too few like him in the high places of power.