of that country, at a time when she had no benefit 78th rule, defining the duties of the Committee of from the laws of the United States, and at a time Ways and Means, and the 91st rule, defining the when she had no representative in any legislative duties of the Committee on Military Affairs. The body, thus involving the very principle of the rev- first clause of the 78th rule provides, "that it shall olutionary war-taxation without representation.be the duty of the Committee of Ways and Means It is perfectly just that the refunding should be 'to take into consideration all such reports of the made, and it is money, moreover, our young State Treasury Department, and all such propositions wants. I hope the House will consider the ne- 'relative to the revenue, as may be referred to them cessity of the Military Committee having this bill, by the House; to inquire into the state of the because it was under military occupation that the public debt or the revenue, and of the expenditure; funds were collected; that military officers were and to report, from time to time, their opinion therethe agents by which it was collected; and that that on; to examine into the state of the several public committee will alone be in possession of the in- departments, and particularly into the laws making formation that is necessary to the proper under- appropriations of money, and to report whether standing of the bill. the moneys have been disbursed conformably with 'such laws; and also to report, from time to time, such provisions and arrangements as may be necessary to add to the economy of the depart'ments, and the accountability of their officers."

I have not the time nor the disposition to hunt up the Journals of this House, though I have looked at them some time ago, to establish and to prove the reputation which I charged upon those gentlemen-whether it is a creditable one to them or not-but I do not believe that the Journals of this House will show any one single, solitary instance of an appropriation out of the ordinary appropriations necessary to sustain the Government, and perfectly in the routine of their duty, having been supported by either of those gentlemen. I think not. I may be mistaken; but I do not know of any. Their reputation is general, as I have stated it. It has come to me everywhere. Whisperings have been made by members from bench to bench all around the Hall, that JoNES and HOUSTON are celebrated for that quality.

Several MEMBERS. "Order!" "Order!"

Mr. MARSHALL. Now, I do not mean to charge it as a bad quality. Economy is admirable. in its place. I do not state it as a crime. I do hope the bill will be referred to the other committee, and taken away from that. I have felt obliged to say this much thus early in the session. I may possibly have to suggest the same thing in other cases. I rely upon the generosity of the House to give the bill at least a chance.

Mr. HIBBARD. I have but a word to say, and it is not with a view to vindicate myself, or any other member of the Committee of Ways and Means, from the remarks made by the gentleman from California, [Mr. MARSHALL.] I took no offence at them; I take none; but perhaps.they were superfluous. If I have any objection at all to what the gentleman has said, it is that he did not do me the high compliment of including me, though an humble member of that committee, in his remarks. The gentleman says he deems the bill is prejudged-that it is sure to be defeated if it goes before the Committee of Ways and Means. I have no such opinion to express; but his firm conviction of the future fate of this bill has seemed to me to indicate in his own opinion that there is or may be something "rotten in Denmark." My mind is not in this way made up. As a member of the committee, of course my mind is open, as I suppose is that of the other gentlemen, to a fair consideration of that bill upon its merits. Nor have we, so far as I know, any wish that the House would impose duties upon us that do not belong to us. Nor have I any objection, if this House choose, with a full and fair understanding of the matter, to take from them this duty, or any other of the onerous duties which devolve upon the Committee of Ways and Means; but I wish to object to this understanding, because a procedent may be set in this matter. I suppose this bill ought to, and I wish it to, be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means, because I think it is clear, beyond all doubt, that it belongs to that committee. What is it, sir? The gentleman states it to be a bill respecting a part of the revenue of the Government-a part of the money that is now the revenue of the Government. It proposes to take from the Treasury of the United States a certain sum-several hundred thousand dollarsand refund it to the State of California. It was money collected as revenue, if I understand the bill aright, in California before it was a State, organized in its present form. This is a bill touching the revenue-touching the means of the Government to that extent. It is a matter that clearly and plainly belongs to the Committee of Ways and Means, and to none other. The House have power to send it elsewhere. They can do it if they please; but if this precedent-this example-is to be set, let it be done with a fair understanding of the question.

I propose only to read the first clause of the

The 91st rule provides "that it shall be the duty 'of the Committee on Military Affairs to take into 'consideration all subjects relating to the military 'establishment and public defence which may be referred to them by the House, and to report their opinion thereupon; and also to report, from time to time, such measures as may contribute to econ'omy and accountability in the said establishment."

Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. I rise to a question of order. I call for the reading of the 133d rule.

The Clerk read the rule, as follows:

"133.-All proceedings touching appropriations of money shall be first discussed in a Committee of the Whole House."

Mr. S. The question of order I raise is, that this debate is altogether out of order.

Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. The question was upon the propriety of the reference of the bill. Mr. STEPHENS. I raise the point that no debate is now in order.

Mr. BRIGGS. I move the previous question. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from New York [Mr. BRIGGS] moves the previous question. The previous question, if sustained, will bring the House to a vote first on the proposition to refer the bill to the Committee on Military Affairs, and if that does not prevail, then upon its reference to the Committee of Ways and Means.

The previous question was then seconded, and the main question ordered to be put.

Mr. HIBBARD. I call for the yeas and nays on the question; which were ordered. Mr. ROBINSON moved that the House adjourn; which motion was agreed to; and The House adjourned.

NOTICES OF BILLS.

By Mr. FREEMAN: A bill granting to the State of Mis

sissippi the right of way and a donation of public land for the purpose of locating and constructing a railroad from Brandon to the eastern border of said State, in the direction of Montgomery, Alabama.

Also, a bill granting lands to the State of Mississippi for the purpose of improving the navigation of the Pearl, Big Black, and Yazoo rivers, in said State of Mississippi.

By Mr. TUCK: A bill to provide for the ascertainment and satisfaction of the claims of American citizens for spoliations committed by the French prior to the 31st day of July, A. D. 1801.

By Mr. EASTMAN: A bill granting the right of way and making a donation of land in aid of the construction of a railroad in the State of Wisconsin, from the northern line of the State of Illinois to Lake Superior.

Also, a bill granting certain lands in the State of Wisconsin, in aid of the construction of a plank road from the Wisconsin river to the mouth of Willow river on Lake St. Croix.

Also, a bill granting certain lands in the State of Wisconsin for the purpose of improving the navigation of Black river.

By Mr. DOTY: A bill to establish the collection district of Wisconsin, and declaring Green Bay a port of entry. Also, a bill to provide for the protection of commerce on Lake Michigan, within the State of Wisconsin.

Department of the Interior.
Also, a bill to establish an Agricultural Bureau in the

By Mr. HENN: A bill to continue half pay to certain widows and orphans.

Also, a bill to relinquish to the State of Iowa the land reserved for salt springs therein.

located, as is at present allowed for a cash sale of the same quantity of land.

By Mr. CHANDLER: The memorial of C. C. Sadler & Co., Scull & Thompson, and other merchants of Philadel phia, asking for appropriations for erecting piers and constructing harbors in the river Delaware.

By Mr. SIBLEY: Papers relating to the claim of Joseph Mozeau, praying to be refunded certain moneys improperly paid out by the commissioners of the United States under the Sioux treaty of 1837.

Also, the petition of John Davis for a pension and for the allowance of bounty land.

Also, a memorial to Congress in favor of a preemption right to James K. Paul, on the Ontonagon river of LakeSuperior.

Also, the petition of the people of Minnesota Territory for an appropriation to continue the construction of certain roads therein, and also for an appropriation to complete the capital buildings therein.

By Mr. HENN: The petition of A. D. Jones and 38 others, citizens of Madison county, Iowa, asking for the establishment of a mail route from Oskaloosa, via Knoxville, Indianola, and St. Charles, to Winterset.

By Mr. CABELL, of Florida: The memorials of Captain William Blake's company of Florida volunteers; Captain Phillips's company of Florida volunteers; Captain John G. Smith's company of Florida volunteers; Captain Joseph Hale's company of Florida volunteers; Captain George E. McClellan's company of Florida voiunteers, and Captains Bush's, Price's, and Suwarrer's companies of Florida volunteers.

Also, the memorial of the Jacksonville and Alligator Plank Road Company.

Also, the memorial of the Florida and Georgia Railroad Company.

Also, the memorials of Augustus Steele, Alexander Watson, Jeremiah Wingate, Bulon's heirs, Giles U. Ellis, and Samuel Clarke.

By Mr. MILLSON: The memorial of William B. BingJey and wife, asking compensation for lands sold to the United States as a site for the dry dock at Gosport.

Also, the petition of Mrs. Harriet Saunders, administratrix of Captain William Davis, praying compensation for the services, and reimbursament of the expenditures, of said Davis, whilst in command of the United States transport schooner Eufala.

Also, the petition of James Lewis, asking compensation for attendance as a witness on the district court of the United States.

Also, the petition of Major C. H. Fitzgerald, United States Army, praying to be relieved from liability on account of the loss of $2,000 of the public funds.

By Mr. BISSELL: The petition of Silas Noble and others, present and late officers of the land office at Dixon, Illinois, praying for compensation for locating military land

warrants.

By Mr. THOMAS M. HOWE: The petition of C. A. Passavant and others, for the alteration of certain mail routes so as to conform to the route of a plank road now in process of construction between the city of Pittsburg and the town of Franklin, in Pennsylvania.

Also, the petition of Thomas H. Baird, of Pennsylvania, for balance alleged to be due to Dr. Absalom Baird, for commutation of half pay, &c.

By Mr. PORTER: The petition of George Elliott, formerly of Kentucky, now of Franklin county, Missouri, a soldier of the war of 1812, who was wounded and disabled while in the discharge of his duty at the battle of Fort Meigs, on the 5th of May, 1813-asking Congress for arrears of pension.

Also, a petition for the relief of Elizabeth Prewitt, widow of Robert Prewitt, deceased, of Lincoln county, Missouri, in regard to services rendered by her deceased husband under a certain mail coutract.

Also, the petition of Samuel Gladney, of Lincoln county, Missouri, asking Congress to release to him any title the United States may have in a certain tract of land, in said county.

Also, the petition of James W. Campbell, for relief in regard to the supposed entry of certain lands at the United States land office at Palmyra, Missouri, some years since; which lands he had lost by the failure of duty of the register of said land office.

Also, the memorial of the General Assembly of Missouri, asking Congress to make a grant of land to aid in the construction of a railroad through northern Missouri, from the city of St. Charles to the northern boundary of said State. By Mr. DOTY: The petition of Thomas L. Franks, and the administrator of Louis Grignon, for compensation for supplies furnished the troops of the United States.

Also, the petition of the register and receiver of the land office at Willow river, for compensation for extra services for land warrant entries.

By Mr. FULLER, of Maine, the petition of William Wetherlee and others, citizens of Castine, Maine, merchants and ship owners, praying for the erection of a monument on Steel's Ledge, so called, in Penobscot Bay.

By Mr. DIMMICK: The petition of Thomas Sletor and 180 other persons, of Northampton county, Pennsylvania, praying for a modification of the bounty land law of September 28th, 1850, so as to increase the allowance of land granted to the persons mentioned in said law, and make it equal to that granted to the soldiers in the war with Mexico. Also, the petition of divers officers and soldiers of the war of 1812, praying for a like modification of the act of 28th September 1859, and an increased allowance of land to be granted to the persons mentioned in said law, equal to that granted to the soldiers in the war with Mexico.

By Mr. MURRAY: The petition of the assistant marshals of Sullivan county, New York, praying for additional compensation for taking the Seventh Census.

By Mr. JOHN W. HOWE: The petition of Robert Allen and others, citizens of Butler county, Pennsylvania, praying Congress to establish a post road from the city of Pittsburg, via Alleghany city, Perrysville, Wexford, Zelienople, Harmony, Whitestown, Prospect, Centreville, Harrisville, and Wesley, to Franklin, Venango county.

On motion by Mr. KING, of New York, the petition and

Also, the petition of Jacob Young, praying to be allowed a pension; which was referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Also, a memorial of citizens of Washington, praying an appropriation for the erection of an equestrian statue of Washington under the resolution of Congress of 1783; which was referred to the Committee for the District of Columbia.

Mr. WHITCOMB presented resolutions adopted at a meeting of citizens of Westfield, Indiana, recommending that the sale of the public lands be discontinued, and that they be granted in limited quantities to the citizens of the United States with families; which were referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. MALLORY presented the memorial of Isaac Bush, John Price, and Thomas Suarez, praying compensation for themselves and the officers and men under their command during the Seminole war in Florida; which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

PAPERS WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED. On motion by Mr. GWIN, it was Ordered, That the documents on the files of the Senate relating to the claim of B. Juan Domercq, a Spanish subject, be referred to the Committee of Claims.

On motion by Mr. HOUSTON, it was Ordered, That the petition of G. Thomas Howard, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

On motion by Mr. CLARKE, it was Ordered, That the petition of Samuel Crapin, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Pensions. On motion by Mr. DOWNS, it was Ordered, That the memorial of L. E. L. A. Lawson, heir of General Eleazer W. Ripley, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

On motion by Mr. SEWARD, it was Ordered, That the petition of Phebe Glover, on the files of the Senate, be referred to the Committee on Pensions. NOTICES OF bills.

Mr. DAVIS gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill for the relief of Charles A. Kellet.

Also, a bill for the relief of Enoch Baldwin.

Mr. FELCH gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill to revise and continue in force for a limited time the provisions of an act relative to suspended entries of public land.

Also, a bill to authorize the State of Illinois to select the balance of the lands to which she is en

titled under the act of 2d March, 1827, granting lands to aid that State in opening a canal to connect the waters of the Illinois river with those of Lake Michigan.

Mr. UNDERWOOD gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a bill to extinguish

the individual stock in the Louisville and Portland Canal, in order to make the navigation free and to enlarge it.

Mr. JAMES gave notice of his intention to ask leave to introduce a joint resolution authorizing the President of the United States to appoint a committee of practical scientific men, to make a series of practical experiments for the purpose of ascertaining if possible the cause or causes of the explosion of steam boilers.

PRIVATE CLAIMS.

Mr. PRATT submitted the following resolution for consideration:

Resolved, That after the first day of January next, Fridays of each week shall be set aside for the consideration of private claims, and that on those days private bills have priority over all other business.

REPORTS OF STANDING COMMITTEES.

Mr. FELCH, from the Committee on Public Lands, to which was referred the petition, reported a bill authorizing Victor Morass to relinquish certain lands, and to enter the same quantity elsewhere; which was read, and passed to a second reading.

He submitted a report on the subject, which was ordered to be printed.

He also, from the same committee, to which was referred the bill for the relief of Charles Melrose, reported it without amendment.

He also submitted a report on the subject, which was ordered to be printed.

He also, from the same committee, to which was referred the bill to extend the time for selecting lands granted to the State of Wisconsin for saline purposes, reported it with amendments.

He also, from the same committee, to which

was referred the bill to extend the time for select

ing lands granted to the State of Michigan for saline purposes, reported it without amendment.

SEVENTH CENSUS.

Mr. BORLAND, from the Committee on Printing, to which was referred the joint resolution in relation to printing the Seventh Census, reported it without amendment, as follows:

Be it resolved, &c., That the Joint Committee on Printing be directed to contract with Donaldson & Armstrong for printing the census returns, upon such terms as they may deem reasonable.

Mr. PRATT. I should like to have the resolution read.

The resolution was read, as follows:

Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed by the Chair to wait upon Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, and introduce him to the Senate.

Mr. GWIN. I would be much gratified if the Senator from Illinois would withdraw his motion for a few moments, so as to permit a bill to be read a third time. I feel pretty well assured that there will be debate on the resolution of the Senator from Illinois-the Senator from Wisconsin amongst others will debate it-and it will not take one

Mr. UNDERWOOD. Let it lie over.
The resolution was passed over accordingly.
BILLS INTROduced.

Mr. HUNTER, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill to provide for the compensation of such persons as may be designated by the Secretary of the Treasury to receive and keep the public moneys, under the 15th section of the act of August 6, 1846, for the additional services required under that act; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Finance.

Mr. DOWNS, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill for the relief of William Darley; which was read a first and second time by its title, and considered as in Committee of the Whole.

On motion by Mr. DOWNS, it was Ordered, That the further consideration thereof be postponed to Monday next, and be the special order of that day.

Mr. UNDERWOOD, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill to provide for the repair and improvement of the dam at the head of Cumberland Island, in the Ohio river; which was read a first and second time by its title, and considered as in Committee of the Whole.

On motion by Mr. UNDERWOOD, it was
Ordered, That it lie on the table.

Mr. BRIGHT, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill to provide more effectually for overcoming the obstructions to the navigation of the Ohio river at the falls thereof; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Roads and Canals.

Mr. DODGE, of Iowa, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill to grant to the city of Burlington, in Iowa, the land heretofore reserved between that city and the Mississippi river; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

FRENCH SPOLIATIONS.

Mr. BRADBURY, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill to provide for the ascertainment and satisfaction of claims of American citizens for spoliations committed by the French prior to 31st July, 1851; which was read a first and second time by its title.

On motion by Mr. BRADBURY, it was

Ordered, That it be referred to a select committee consisting of five members, to be appointed by the President.

Mr. BRADBURY, Mr. SMITH, Mr. BRIGHT, Mr. Downs, and Mr. FELCH were appointed the committee.

TONNAGE DUTIES.

Mr. MALLORY, agreeably to previous notice, asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill to repeal the act entitled "An act concerning tonnage duty on Spanish vessels;" which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Commerce.

CALIFORNIA BRANCH MINT. The engrossed bill to establish a branch of the Mint of the United States in California, was read the third time and passed.

WELCOME TO KOSSUTH.

Mr. SHIELDS. I move to take up a resolution which I moved to lay on the table the other day. The resolution proposes the appointment of a committee of three to introduce Louis Kossuth to the Senate. I presume that, after what has taken place, both here and in the other House, there will now be no opposition to the resolution.

third time. If there were not likely to be debate on this resolution I would not ask the Senator to give way.

Mr. SHIELDS. I wish to call up this resolution because I think that under existing circumstances it should now be acted upon. If it is likely to create any debate it can be laid over. But after the action that has already been had upon the subject I cannot imagine that it will generate debate. I think the question has been as much debated already as is desirable, and I am also inclined to believe that the Senate generally concur in that opinion.

Mr. BADGER. It seems to me that the question with regard to this resolution occupies a different position from that which it occupied on the joint resolution. I entertain now precisely the same opinions which I entertained prior to the passage of that resolution-opinions which I have already expressed to the Senate. But, by an uncommon unanimity in both branches of Congress, Kossuth has been recognized as the guest of the nation. This has been done no doubt upon the supposition that the joint resolution would be approved by the President of the United States, of which there can be no doubt; and the question now is, Being, by the action of the constituted authorities, such guest of the nation, is it proper that this resolution should be taken up and passed? That point being settled I shall make no vexatious opposition to the proceeding.

Mr. BORLAND. It seems to me that the action of the Senate, so far as this resolution is concerned, has settled the question, unless a change takes place in the minds of the Senators. This resolution was a material part of the resolution which was rejected the other day, and which was offered as an amendment to the resolution of the Senator from New York.

The PRESIDENT. It is not in order to discuss the resolution until it is taken up.

Mr. BORLAND. That is the reason why I think it cannot be taken up, being part of the resolution of the Senator from New York; and that resolution was the same in substance as the resolution of the Senator from Illinois, with the exception of this portion which it is now proposed to revive.

The question was then taken on the motion to take up the resolution, and it was decided in the affirmative.

Mr. ATCHISON. I would like to know the effect of that resolution before I vote. If this committee shall be appointed, I suppose they will proceed to New York, or wheresoever Kossuth may be, for the purpose of bringing him to Washington and introducing him to the Senate.

Mr. SHIELDS. I will amend it by saying "on his arrival in the capital."

No objection being made, the resolution was so amended.

Mr. WALKER. Mr. President: Notwithstanding it has been announced by the mover of this resolution that it has been discussed sufficiently, I ask the attention of the Senate for some ten or fifteen minutes, that I may express my views upon the subject. It is true that the resolution has been discussed, but my views have not been expressed. Differing so widely in some respects from some who have spoken, I have been particular in maturing my own views, and I shall be particular in expressing them to the Senate.

The present occasion and the subject of present discussion, are more momentous and of deeper import than the eye or the mind will readily discover without careful examination and deep reflection. They merit this examination and reflection; and from me they have and shall receive themnot, however, from considerations of mere etiquette of what is due to Governor Kossuth as a

man or a patriot, or to the Senate, as regards its dignity; but from considerations of a far deeper, broader, and more sacred character-such as contern the happiness, security, and duty of our Republic.

liberty, shall we never raise our voice or hand to defend or sustain it, but erase and expunge it, by conceding the right of despots to perpetually violate it? Shall another Poland be stricken from nationality and independence, to non-entity and When the question was taken upon the resolu- oblivion, by a triple European despotism? Shall tion to welcome Governor Kossuth to the capi-Italy again, while able, willing, and striving to al and country, I voted for it, as I shall for that stand erect and free against her native oppressor, now under consideration; but for very different be stricken down, bleeding, and more enslaved, at reasons, and from very different motives from any the feet of tyrannic France and Austria? Or shall that I have heard expressed in the Senate. I did Hungary, struggling alone and friendless against and shall do so, not as a mere personal compli- the tyranny of Austria, with victory and triumph ment to Governor Kossuth, (great and preeminent already perching upon her republican standard, be as I concede and claim his merits to be;) for this, again trampled to the dust-enslaved and chained I infer, he did not and does not desire. The pur- by intermeddling Russia? and all this without a pose of his mission and his life has a far higher murmur or a blow from the land of Washington and more noble end and aim. Nor did I, nor shall and Franklin? God forbid! Yet, address these I vote on this subject for the purpose of rendering questions to some Senators, whose heads have mere vocal tribute to his political creed, princi- whitened in the service and battle of conservatism, ples, or character. This can be better done by the and they will answer, Yes; but I address them to people in their spontaneous plaudits, responsive to the manly hearts of the American people, and the his sentiments. Indeed, sir, if these had been and answer will be one universal and indignant, No! were the only reasons which my mind could urge NEVER! upon the subject, I should have voted against the former, and would vote against the present resolulution. I am averse to all personal adulation, intended merely as such, and where no practical good is intended or can result. I mistake Govemor Kossuth's republican principles if he do not entertain similar sentiments. Nor yet, sir, have I voted, nor shall I vote for these resolutions because I can see in their consequences no change in our neutral policy, but for the very reverse. I advocate them because I think I discover in them the initiatory step toward the abandonment of our now impolitic, unwise, and unjust system of neutrality. Let no one do himself the injustice, or me the false charity, to suppose that this is a conclusion er determination to which I have hastily sprung. Far from it, sir. I have long desired to see our neutral policy abandoned or overthrown; and I hai the events of the present hour, as happy omens of's speedy consummation of my wishes.

I contend, Mr. President, that what was our policy in our infancy and weakness, has ceased to be our true policy now that we have reached te manhood and strength. And I deny, what is to often asserted, that either Washington or any of the founders of the Republic, ever recommended that the neutral policy of our early days should become an established principle, to govern the conduct of the country in the days of its maturity and power.

As a period and condition of human existence, infant weakness is naturally timid, and instinctively cautious. It ranges only within the walks of security and home; is governed by its wants or necessities-without the of venture to supply or gratify even these. It may look on with tears, commiseration, and pity, at a craei imposition or infliction upon its fellow and infant associate; but it can neither resent the wrong nor defend against it-it can only stand careful and trembling for its own security. Strike it cannot-to interpose would be futile and dangerous. But when arrived at manhood, the same course of conduct would merit and receive the hiss of scorn, and stamp the wretch a coward and poltroon. It would also render his position insecure, by inviting insult and aggression.

So it was, so it is, and so it will be, with our Government and country. When we had but just struggled into infant existence, we could manifest commiseration and pity only, when we saw the feeble breast of our sister, Poland, mangled by the iron heel of despotism, and her substance divided, and her name blotted out by tyrants. But now, when matured and strong, shall we supinely and timidly look on, and see all the morals, justice, and principles of international law violated, without interposing? The law of nations, under that of the Creator, is the law of the civilized world—is as binding upon despots as upon republicans, and republics are as much interested in its maintenance as monarchies, or despotisms, and have more right to interpose to defend and maintain it, than they to violate and destroy it. And what principle or rule of that law should be more dear to America, than that which secures the right of the masses to rise and throw off the yoke of oppression through the medium of revolution, and this, too, in a fair and single-handed contest with the oppressor? But, while this principle is thus dear and important to our country and the cause of

Sir, our strength no longer consists in a policy so criminally neutral. It did so in the beginning, only because the success of our experiment was distrusted by the people of all countries; and we could gain no sympathy by showing sympathy with others. But our success is no longer problematic, nor the permanency of our Government and institutions doubted by any. Republican spirits, in every clime, feel joy in our triumph, and are enlisted for our defence and protection. Their hopes run high to imitate our example; and they feel those hopes would be forever blasted by our downfall. If we now discharge aright our high mission, by sympathizing with them in their struggle, and danger should assail us, they will feel our cause to be their own; and whatever soil they may tread, will be made a recruiting station in our defence. The next army that invades our country will come to fight our battles, and not to crush our liberties. With us, the day of conflict with mercenaries will have passed; and armies of invasion will have become but organized armies of immigration, seeking a hearthstone and a home among us, to be enjoyed and defended in common with our own. Sir, if you deem me visionary, or ver-sanguine in these opinions and hopes, pray tel me where you would find the Hungarian, the Gernan, the Irishman, the Briton, Frank, or Swede, who would wield the sword or bear the standard of a despot upon our shores, and against our country and republic? You could not more gravely insult the millions of these braves amongst us, than by asking them if they would do so. Yet, sir, they are but the representative few of countless hosts left behind, actuated by a similar spirit. The situation of a Haynau, commanding an army of these in America, would soon be forlorn and pitiable indeed. The treatment of the English brewers would be mercy and hospitality itself, compared to that he would receive here, at the hands of his own troops.

C

But, sir, seal or lock up the stores of your sympathy-suffer the spirit of liberty to struggle, bleed, and expire alone in its unequal conflict with intruding despots, and you cut the sympathetic chord that binds the freedom-loving world to your cause; you consolidate despotism, and at length, when it shall turn upon you, as the last survivor of republicanism, you, too, must struggle, bleed, and fall alone. No friendly heart or hand will be left to sympathize or strike in your cause or your defence.

This, sir, must be the result at last, if we continue our present policy. No one can believe, that, with the present and growing intelligence of the world, despotisms and republics can much longer occupy the earth together. The flame of conflict is already kindled; the blood of one or the other must quench it. Between the spirits of the two political existences, there can be no compromise; one or the other must quit the world. In the struggle we cannot remain neutral if we wouldand it is useless longer to disguise the fact. For one, I throw off all disguise. I am for the cause of liberty and free Government, against slavery and despotism, throughout the globe-and this without disguise.

Far be it from me, however, to recommend or advocate the policy of predatory or aggressive warfare, or warfare for conquest. I will go as far as the most pacific against all interference in the

internal polity or concerns of other nations. But I take and maintain a wide distinction between the internal concerns of nations, and international concerns. While Russia or Austria is content under a monarchy or despotism, or so long as the monarch or despot can, within himself, or with his own resources, maintain his authority and power, be it so-let him alone. This is a matter of internal concern to the nation, and she has the right to be let alone. I would protest against the interference of our own or any other country as a Government. But when the people of either rise up and seek to throw off the yoke, or break the chain that galls them, and the other would interfere to prevent them, this becomes an international concern-an affair between nations; and involves a breach of the law and morals of nations, in which we become an interested party with all other nations. Against such interference I would not only have our country protest, but I would have her interpose both her moral and physical power, whether in conjunction with England or alone. In this case we have the right to interpose, and I contend that justice, as well as our interest and security, makes it our duty to interpose.

Sir, peace is beautiful and holy when it can be justly and honorably maintained; but war, with all its tragedy and blood, is less to be dreaded than dishonorable or "ignoble peace;"-peace at the expense of peace, justice, liberty, and the rights of man. In the case supposed, even war on our part, against intervention, would be sacred to the cause of peace. It would be necessary in order to conquer conflict, establish peace, and defend the right. Without our interposition, there would not be peace, but wrongful war; and we, too, a party to the wrong by acquiescence. As a friend and advocate of peace, as well as of national morality and national law, I would recommend war in such an extremity, when merely moral means had proved unavailing. Nor would I delay or wait for the coöperation of Englandthough I am not one of those who would decline it. An alliance for such an occasion would not conflict with the policy or advice of Washington. He never condemned alliances temporary and for the occasion. He only declared that "it is your policy to steer clear of permanent alliances.” He did not even recommend that this "policy" should be permanent and perpetual; but for such time only as would enable you "to gain time to 'your country to settle and mature its institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it the command of its own for

tunes.

I believe that such time has been gained, and that our country has reached the required condition; und so far from condemning qud declining the occasional coöperation of other countries in such a cause, I would approve and accept it, as I would, indeed, invite it."

Mr. President, of two things I feel certain: first, that the spirit of Russian absolutism, unless prevented by the interposition of constitutional governments, will triumph and prevail in Europe, and ultimately turn upon liberty here and elsewhere; and, second, that the only Powers on the broad face of God's earth which can interpose and prevent it, are the United States and England. Separately or in concert, then, we must act or fall; or, if not fall, must ultimately suffer and bleed to a degree of depletion tenfold that which our timely interposition would cause.

Sir, the portents of the hour are momentous indeed; and I fear are too dimly seen, or not at all, by the Senate and the country. With no enemy afield, despotic Europe is trembling under the sullen tread of a conscript soldiery; while gloomy Apprehension sits a joint occupant of the throne of monarchy. Why is this so? It is that a murmur of discontent-suppressed and low indeed, yet determined and universal-is heard to rise from the oppressed and down-trodden millions; and because monarchs see and know that occasion only is awaited by these millions, to rise and strike a more universal, terrible, and determined blow than ever yet was struck, for self-emancipation, selfgovernment, and freedom. They see, also, that such an occasion will offer in the approaching struggle for the French Presidency. Princes, on the one hand, are looking to the Czar of Russia to bear them safely through; while the republican masses, on the other, are looking with beseeching

eyes to America and England. Shall we turn coldly away, and leave tyranny to riot in its crimson orgies, and to raise its shout of triumph over the rights of nations and mankind? or shall we interpose, AND INTERPOSE NOW, to prevent it, and to staunch the flow of human blood? For one, by all the sacred promptings of the human heart, I am for the latter! I would now, or before another moon had waned, throw patent to the world a declaration that hereafter the practice, if not the policy of nations, must be "hands off," or nonintervention in the internal concerns or revolutions of other nations; and this declaration I would make good, too, when occasion should demand, by the Blood and treasure of the land. But with such a declaration, the occasion would never arise: we would have no occasion to shed the one or to expend the other. These, sir, are the views which I entertain. I speak for no one but myself; but I should speak as I have though I knew I stood alone. I neither ask nor expect commendation from this Senate-it is not for its commendation that I speak or think in matters of political import, but for the approval of my own heart, and for the promotion of right and justice, with the best interests of the Republic.

suth. If he was sufficiently known and described by that name there, is it necessary or proper to assert a different description here?

Mr. SHIELDS. I had no object in view, except to make it conform to the language of the President's message. I do not want to cavil about it. I think he is called Governor in the message. We are accustomed in this country, when a man has held an office, to continue calling him by the title which he had while in that office. I do not think it amounts to much. Some honor me, by calling me "General," though I am no General now. And we have Governors and Generals all over the country. However, I am willing to make it conform to the exact language of the President's message, whatever that may be, because I regard that as a kind of committal by the Executive, the representative of the nation, and I wish to go on as he commenced.

Mr. BADGER. I shall not move any amendment to the resolution. The Senator can shape it as he pleases. But I would submit to my friend, that when, in the joint resolution, which is the act of both Houses and is of the nature of a law, this gentleman is named by his Christian and surname only, and as this proceeding of the Senate is inThese being my views, I have all along regretted tended to follow out what has been done by that to hear Senators, while advocating these resolu-joint resolution, that it is the resolution which we tions, so careful to disavow any meaning in them, or, in other words, to hear them declare, in effect, that they designed nothing tangible or practical; and yet, at the same time, profess the highest devotion to the cause of liberty, and the deepest sympathy for struggling and oppressed humanity. If our devotion and sympathy lie no deeper than the lip, they will be but little consolatory to Kossuth or to Hungary. To prove that they lie no deeper, I would advise that, when we meet the country's guest, and extend to him the right hand in fellowship, we offer him with the left our act of neutrality; and declare to him that it is a fixed, unalterable law of the land. From that he may read:

SEC. 1. Be it enacted, &c., That if any citizen of the United States shall, within the territory and jurisdiction thereof, accept and exercise a commission to serve a foreign prince, state, colony, district, or people, in war, by land or by sea, against any prince, state, colony, district, or people, with whom the United States are at peace, the person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdeineanor, and shall be fined not more than $2,000, and shall be imprisoned not exceeding three years.

SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That if any person shall, within the limits of the United States, fit out and arm, or attempt to fit out and arm, or procure to be fitted out and armed, or shall knowingly be concerned in the furnishing, fitting out, or arming of any ship or vessel, with invent that such ship or vessel shall be employed in the service of any foreign prince or state, or of any colony, district, or people, to cruise or commit hostilities against the subjects, citizens, or property of any foreign prince or state, or of any colony, district or people, with whom the United States are at peace, or shall issue or deliver a commission within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States, for any ship or vessel, to the intent that she may be employed as aforesaid, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be fined not more than $10,000, and imprisoned not more than three years,

&c.

From this, Kossuth will learn that lip-devotees to liberty in the United States, punish practical

devotees as malefactors and criminals.

||

are to follow, and not the incidental expression in the President's message. This resolution styles him "Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary." I admit that in common conversation, in addressing the honorable Senator from Illinois, we call him "General Shields;" but I submit that no formal paper in the world would now describe him as "James Shields, Brigadier General."

Mr. SHIELDS. I will read the language of the President's message. I hope my honorable friend from North Carolina will not regard it as a mere incidental expression, or as a trivial docu"The instruction above referred to was complied with, and the Turkish Government having released Governor Kossuth," &c. "Governor Kossuth." I am willing to make the resolution conform to that.

ment.

The PRESIDENT. The Senator from Minois proposes to strike out "Governor of Hungary, and insert previous to the name "Louis Kossuth," the word "Governor," so that it will read "Governor Louis Kossuth."

Mr. HALE. The President, when he first mentioned this matter, simply calls the gentleman "Louis Kossuth," and I think that is a better title than any we can put on him. Governors are very cheap. There are a good many of them. There is but one Louis Kossuth, and I think "Louis Kossuth" sounds better than "Governor Kossuth," or "Squire Kossuth," or any other title.

Mr. DOUGLAS. It would not add any importance to it, unless an objection were taken to it. Then, if we should strike it out, it might be significant. If it be necessary to express the proper idea, I presume the addition of one word will accomplish it-we might say "Louis Kossuth, the rightful Governor." If he be not the Governor de facto, if he is not in the exercise of the power belonging to that station, I apprehend there can be no question that he is the rightful Governor of Hungary, although ejected from Hungary for the time being. I would suggest the insertion of the word "rightful."

Sir, I repeat that if I had nothing but words to render in the service of Hungarian freedom, I would be silent. But I have more: I will not only speak for it, but I will vote for it-write for it; and when occasion shall demand, under the smile of Heaven, I will fight for it. So would others who have spoken with so much seeming caution- Mr. HALE. Before the question is taken on and they might as well avow the fact. They do the amendment of the Senator from Illinois, [Mr. no good by their mental reservations-let them SHIELDS,] I desire to read a single extract from the speak out, and act. Then Kossuth will have re- President's message, in which he refers to the resceived a compliment, sublime indeed-a compli-olution passed last session. He says: "On the ment of the means to triumph in the cause of liberty, and Hungary will be free.

'third of March last, both Houses of Congress passed a resolution requesting the President to authorize the employment of a public vessel to 'convey to this country Louis Kossuth and his 'associates in captivity." That is the President's message. Reference is there had to what Congress had formerly done, and I suppose that the same words are used. If the Senator would make the resolution read literally correct, I suppose it would be "Louis Kossuth aforesaid;" but I presume he will not do that. It will be better to let it stand as it stood originally. It is a better title than any we can give him.

Mr. BADGER. There is one thing in that resolution to which I wish to call the attention of my honorable friend from Illinois, [Mr. SHIELDS.] The resolution styles Louis Kossuth, "Governor of Hungary." That, I suppose, must be intended to assert the fact that he is Governor in reality or Governor in right. I suggest to my friend that he does not mean to make any such assertion. And surely it cannot be necessary to make known who Louis Kossuth is, to add as a description beyond his name the words, "Governor of Hungary. I would suggest, also, to the Senator, that the phraseology of the joint resolution which has passed both the Senate and the House differ, from this. He is there designated as Louis Kos-gary," it was agreed to.

The question being taken on the part of the amendment offered by the Senator from Illinois, [Mr. SHIELDS,] to strike out "Governor of Hun

The latter part of the amendment to insert the word "Governor "before" Louis Kossuth," was not agreed to.

The question was then on the resolution as amended.

Mr. MASON. I do not doubt that the very distinguished gentleman for whom this honor is intended, is the patriot whom he has been described to be by Senators on this floor; and that he is worthy of the honors which have been heaped upon him by the people of America. When the vote was taken upon the resolution of welcome to him, I was not here, or I should have voted for it cheerfully. But I am not prepared to extend the distinguished honor of a reception by the Senate, to that gentleman-an honor which has never been, I believe, conferred upon a citizen of American. It has been conferred only upon General Lafay ette, who had been identified with the most trying scenes of our revolutionary struggles.

It is not, therefore, for any purpose of detracting from the merits of the gentleman to whom this honor is proposed to be extended, that I have desired thus to place myself right in the vote I shall give. I have another reason, sir. So far as I understand it, his avowed mission to the United States of America is to endeavor to induce this Government to depart from our long-established policy in relation to foreign nations. It may be that if this peculiar reception be given him by the Senate, it may be construed into some disposition on the part of the Senate to aceredit him on his mission.

Mr. SHIELDS. Will the honorable Senator allow me to make a suggestion? I have interfered with the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. RHETT,] believing that this would occasion no debate. Mr. MASON. I have finished what I had to say.

Mr. UNDERWOOD called for the yeas and

nays.

Mr. SHIELDS. Oh! no. It will be a much higher compliment to pass it without the yeas and

nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question being taken, resulted-yeas 30, nays 15; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Atchison, Bradbury, Brodhead, Cass, Chase, Clarke, Davis, Dodge of Wisconsin, Dodge of Iowa, Douglas, Felch, Fish, Foote of Mississippi, Foot of Vermont, Geyer, Gwin, Hamlin, Houston, James, Jones of Iowa, Miller, Nortis, Seward, Shields, Smith, Stockton, Sumner, Wade, Walker, and Whitcomb-30.

NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Borland, Butler, Clemens, Dawson, Hunter, Jones of Tennesee, King, Mason, Morton, Pratt, Sebastian, Spruance, Underwood, and Upham

-15.

The resolution was adopted as amended, as follows:

Resolved, That a committee of three' be appointed by the Chair to wait upon Louis Kossuth, on his arrival at the capital, and introduce him to the Senate.

THE COMPROMISE MEASURES, The Senate resumed the consideration of the

special order, being the resolution declaring the measures of adjustment to be a definitive settlement of the questions growing out of domestic slavery.

Mr. RRETT resumed and finished the speech which he commenced yesterday, a report of which will be found in the Appendix.

After a few words from Mr. FooTE, and a brief conversation, in which Mr. BORLAND, Mr. FoOTE, Mr. MASON, and others took part, (for which see Appendix,) Mr. MASON obtained the floor, and on motion, The Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, December 16, 1851. The House met at twelve o'clock, m. The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.

COMMITTEE ON THE RULES.

The SPEAKER announced that the following gentlemen had been appointed the Committee on the Rules, by a resolution of the House: GEORGE W. JONES, of Tennessee; ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, of Georgia; JOSEPH R. CHANDLER, of Pennsylvania; JOHN L. ROBINSON, of Indiana; EDWARD STANLY, of North Carolina; DAVID L. SEYMOUR, of New York; GEORGE G. KING, of Rhode Island; EDSON B. OLDS, of Ohio; and DANIEL WALLACE, of South Carolina. "