"Provided, That it is not hereby intend out, by reason of sickness. The negative vote on this grave propositioned to assert the duty of Congress to provide was made up of the twenty Republicans aforesaid, and Mr. Pugh. Neither Mr. Crittenden, nor either of the Maryland Senators, had the courage to oppose a proposition whereby Mr. Jefferson Davis and his confederates were permitted to brand, by an imposing vote of the Senate, not only the Republicans, but the Douglas or anti-Lecompton Democrats alsocomposing an immense majority of the people of the Free States-in effect, as unfaithful to their Constitutional obligations, and making war on the guaranteed rights of the South. Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, proposed the following: "Resolved, That the existing condition of the Territories of the United States does not require the intervention of Congress for the protection of property in slaves." To this, Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, moved to alter the amendment, so as to make it read: a system of laws for the maintenance of Slavery." This was rejected-Yeas 12; Nays 31-only Messrs. Clark, Clingman, Dixon, Foot, Foster, Hale, Hamlin, Latham, Pugh, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, and Wilson, voting in the affirmative. The original resolution was then adopted; as follows: Yeas 35; Nays 2-Messrs. Hamlin and Trumbull: the Yeas being as upon the adoption of the first resolve, with the subtraction of Messrs. Brown and Thomson, and the addition of Mr. Ten Eyck. "6. Resolved, That the inhabitants of a Territory of the United States, when they rightfully form a Constitution to be admitted as a State into the Union, may then, for the first time, like the people of a State when forming a new Constitution, decide for themselves whether Slavery, as a domestic institution, shall be maintained or prohibshall be admitted into the Union, with or ited within their jurisdiction; and they without Slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission."" This was also adopted, as follows: Yeas 33-same as on the first resolve, less Brown, Mallory, and Pugh; Nays 12-Bingham, Chandler, Dix 'Resolved, That the existing condition of the Territories of the United States does not, and, in our opinion, never will, require," etc. This was rejected-Yeas 16; Nays 33. Then Mr. Clingman's amend ment was adopted: Yeas 26; Nayson, Foot, Foster, Hale, Pugh, Sim 23.15 "5. Resolved, That, if experience should at any time prove that the Judicial and Executive authority do not possess means to insure adequate protection to constitutional rights in a Territory, and if the territorial government should fail or refuse to provide the necessary remedies for that purpose, it will be the duty of Congress to supply such deficiency." Mr. Clingman proposed to amend this, as follows: 15 YEAS-Messrs. Bigler, Bingham, Bragg, Chandler, Clark, Clingman, Collamer, Crittenden, Dixon, Doolittle, Foot, Grimes, Hale, Hamlin, Harlan, Johnson, of Tennessee, Kennedy, Latham, Polk, Pugh, Simmons, Ten Eyck, Toombs, Trumbull, Wade, and Wilson-26. mons, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, and Wilson. "7. Resolved, That the provision of the Constitution for the rendition of fugitives from service or labor, without the adoption of which the Union could not have been formed, and the laws of 1793 and 1850, which were enacted to secure its execution, and the main features of which, being similar, bear the impress of nearly seventy years of sanction by the highest judicial authority, should be honestly and faithfully observed and maintained by all who enjoy the bene NAYS-Messrs. Benjamin, Bright, Brown, Chesnut, Clay, Davis, Fitzpatrick, Green, Hammond, Hunter, Iverson, Lane, Mallory, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Powell, Rice, Saulsbury, Sebastian, Slidell, Wigfall, and Yulee-23. [All from Slave States but Bright, Lane, and Rice.] THE DEMOCRACY AT CHARLESTON. This, the last of the series, was likewise adopted, as follows: Yeas 36; Nays 6: Yeas as in the first instance, except that Messrs. Pearce and Thompson did not vote, their places being filled by Messrs. Ten Eyck and Thomson; while the Nays were Messrs. Chandler, Clark, Foot, Hale, Wade, and Wilson. 309 fits of our compact of union, and that allegation from the State of New York acts of individuals or of State Legislatures to defeat the purpose or nullify the requirehad been chosen by the Convention ments of that provision, and the laws made which nominated State officers at in pursuance of it, are hostile in character, Syracuse the preceding Autumn; subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect." while another had been elected by districts, under the auspices of Mr. Fernando Wood, then Mayor of the Commercial Emporium. The former was understood to favor the nomination of Senator Douglas for President; the latter to oppose it, and incline to entire acquiescence in whatever the South might propose or desire. Two delegations had, in like manner, been chosen from Illinois, under similar auspices. The National Committee had issued tickets to what it esteemed the regular, or anti-Wood, delegation from New York, admitting them to seats in the Convention, and excluding their competitors. Francis B. Flournoy, of Arkansas, was chosen temporary Chairman; Gen. Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, was, on the second day, made permanent President, and a Committee on Platform, consisting of one member from each State, appointed. On the third day, the contests were decided in favor of the anti-Wood delegation from New York and the Douglas men from Illinois. On the fourth, no progress was made. On the fifth, Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, from a majority of the Committee on Platform (17 to 14), but representing a minority of the People and of the Electors of President, reported a series, whereof the material proposi tion was as follows: The Senate then proceeded, on motion of Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, to reconsider Mr. Clingman's resolution hitherto given-Mr. Wilson stating that, for himself and his friends, they wished to have nothing to do with any part of the series, and therefore moved the reconsideration; which prevailed: Yeas 26; Nays 8. And the resolution of Mr. Clingman, being reconsidered, was rejected. And so, Mr. Jefferson Davis's entire series, without the change of a comma, affirming and emphasizing the worst points of the Dred Scott decision, and asserting as vital truths propositions which even the Southern Democracy voted down when first presented to a Democratic National Convention by Mr. Yancey in 1848, were now adopted by the United States Senate as necessary deductions from the fundamental law of the land. The Democratic National Convention of 1856 had decided that its successor should meet at Charleston, S. C., which it accordingly did, on the 23d of April, 1860. Abundant premonitions of a storm had already been afforded. One del "Resolved, That the platform adopted at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following resolutions: "That the National Democracy of the United States hold these cardinal principles on the subject of Slavery in the Territories: First, That Congress has no power to abolish Slavery in the Territories; second, that Mr. Henry B. Payne, of Ohio, on behalf of the members of said Committee from all the Free States but California, Oregon, and Massachusetts-States entitled to choose 172 Electors, while those represented in the majority report were entitled to but 127 Electors-reported a platform, which, as finally modified, was presented by Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, in the following shape: "1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject-matters; and we recommend, as the only further resolutions, the following: "Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of Slavery within the Territories: "2. Resolved, That the Democratic Party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of Constitutional law. "3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. "4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic Party pledge such constitutional government aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast, at the earliest practicable period. 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain. "6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect." jority was ultimately modified by Mr. Avery's report from the mahim so as to read as follows: "Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions: "First. That the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and, during its exist ence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or lation. impaired by congressional or territorial legis "Second. That it is the duty of the Federal tect, when necessary, the rights of persons Government, in all its departments, to proand property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. "Third. That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate population form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of Slavery. "Fourth. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. latures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fifth. That the enactments of State legisFugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. "Sixth. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of citizen in all his rights, whether at home or this Government to protect the naturalized in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born citizens. "Whereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts: Therefore, be it 66 hereby pledge themselves to use every means Resolved, That the Democratic party do bill, to the extent of the constitutional auin their power to secure the passage of some thority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific Railroad, from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable period." [The report concludes with resolves 5 and 6 of the Douglas platform, for which see preceding column.] AVERY ON DEMOCRATIC PLATFORMS. Gen. Benj. F. Butler, of Massachu- | setts, disagreeing with both these reports, proposed simply to reäffirm the Cincinnati platform, and there stop. The majority report, it will be noted, was concurred in by the representatives, in Committee, of each of the fifteen Slave States, with those of California and Oregon. Mr. Avery, in introducing it, very frankly and fairly set forth its object, and the grounds of difference with the minority, as follows: 311 deny that this is the true construction of the Cincinnati platform. We of the South say that, when we voted for the Cincinnati platform, we understood, from the fact that the Territories stand in the same position as the District of Columbia, that non-interference and non-intervention in the Territories was that same sort of non-interference and nonintervention practiced in the District of Columbia. Now, we maintain that Congress has no right to prohibit or abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia. Why? Because it is an existing institution. It becomes the duty of Congress under the Constitution to protect and cherish the right of property in slaves in that District, because the Constitution does not give them the power to prohibit or establish Slavery. Every session of Congress, Northern men, Southern men, men of all parties, are legislating to protect, cherish and uphold, the institution of Slavery in the District of Columbia. "I have stated that we demand at the hands of our Northern brethren upon this floor that the great principle which we cherish should be recognized, and in that view I speak the common sentiments of our constituents at home; and I intend no reflection "It is said that the Cincinnati platform is upon those who entertain a different opinion, ambiguous, and that we must explain it. At when I say that the results and ultimate the South, we have maintained that it had consequences to the Southern States of this no ambiguity; that it did not mean Popular confederacy, if the Popular Sovereignty doc- Sovereignty; but our Northern friends say trine be adopted as the doctrine of the Demo- that it does mean Popular Sovereignty. cratic party, would be as dangerous and Now, if we are going to explain it and to subversive of their rights as the adoption of declare its principles, I say, let us either dethe principle of Congressional intervention clare them openly, boldly, squarely, or let us or prohibition. We say that, in a contest for leave it as it is in the Cincinnati Platform. the occupation of the Territories of the I want, and we of the South want, no more United States, the Southern men encumbered doubtful platforms upon this or any other with slaves cannot compete with the Emi- question. We desire that this Convention grant Aid Society at the North. We say should take a bold, square stand. What do that the Emigrant Aid Society can send a the minority of the committee propose? voter to one of the Territories of the United Their solution is to leave the question to the States, to determine a question relating to decision of the Supreme Court, and agree to Slavery, for the sum of $200; while it would abide by any decision that may be made by cost the Southern man the sum of $1500. that tribunal between the citizens of a TerWe say, then, that, wherever there is compe- ritory upon the subject. Why, gentlemen tition between the South and the North, that of the minority, you cannot help yourselves! the North can and will, at less expense and That is no concession to us. There is no difficulty, secure power, control, and do- necessity for putting that in the platform, minion over the Territories of the Federal because I take it for granted that you are all Government; and if, then, you establish the law-abiding citizens. Every gentleman here doctrine that a Territorial Legislature which from a non-slaveholding State is a lawmay be established by Congress in any Ter-abiding citizen; and, if he be so, why we ritory has the right, directly or indirectly, to affect the institution of Slavery, then you can see that the Legislature by its action, either directly or indirectly, may finally exclude every man from the slaveholding States as effectually as if you had adopted the Wilmot Proviso out and out. "But we are told that, in advocating the doctrine we now do, we are violating the principles of the Cincinnati platform. They say that the Cincinnati platform is a Popular Sovereignty platform; that it was intended to present and practically enforce that great principle. Now, we who made this report know that, when there is a decision of the Supreme Court, even adverse to his views, he will submit to it. * * "You say that this is a judicial question. We say that it is not. But, if it be a judicial question, it is immaterial to you how the platform is made, because all you will have to say is, 'This is a judicial question; the majority of the Convention were of one opinion; I may entertain my own opinion upon the question; let the Supreme Court settle it.' * "Let us make a platform about which there can be no doubt, so that every man, North and South, may stand side by side on all | issues connected with Slavery, and advocate the same principles. That is all we ask. All we demand at your hands is, that there shall be no equivocation and no doubt in the popular mind as to what our principles are." Mr. Payne, on the other side, quoted at length from the Cincinnati platform, from Mr. Buchanan's letter of acceptance, and from speeches of Howell Cobb, John C. Breckinridge, James L. Orr, A. H. Stephens, Judah P. Benjamin, James A. Bayard, James M. Mason, Robert Toombs, etc., to show that 'NonIntervention' with 'Popular Sovereignty' was the original and estab lished Democratic doctrine with regard to Slavery in the Territories. The debate was continued, amid great excitement and some disorder, until Monday, April 30th, when the question was first taken on Gen. Butler's proposition; which was defeated-Yeas 105; Nays 198-as follows: YEAS-Maine, 3; Massachusetts, 8; Connecticut, 24; New Jersey, 5; Pennsylvania, 16; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 54; Virginia, 124; North Carolina, 10; Georgia, 10; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 11; Kentucky, 9; Minnesota, 1; Oregon, 3-105. NAYS-Maine, 5; New Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; Massachusetts, 5; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 34; New York, 35; New Jersey, 2; Pennsylvania, 10; Maryland, 24; Virginia, 24; South Carolina, 8; Florida, 3; Alabama, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 1; Kentucky, 3; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wisconsin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 24; California, 4-198. The question was next taken on the regular minority report, as presented in a modified form by Mr. Samuels; which was adopted, by the following vote: YEAS-Maine, 8; New Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; Massachusetts, 7; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 6; New York, 35; New Jersey, 5; Pennsylvania, 12; Maryland, 34; Virginia, 1; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 1; Kentucky, 24; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wisconsin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 4-165. NAYS-Massachusetts, 6; New Jersoy, 2; Pennsylvania, 15; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 4; Virginia, 14; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 8; Georgia, 10; Florida, 3; Alabama, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri, 5; Tennessee, 11; Kentucky, 9; California, 4; Oregon, 3-138. Hereupon, Mr. L. P. Walker, of Alabama, presented the written protest of the delegates from that State, 28 in number, showing that they State Convention which elected them were expressly instructed by the not to acquiesce in or submit to any 'Squatter Sovereignty' platform, but to withdraw from the Convention in case such a one should be adopted. Among the resolves so adopted and made binding on their delegates by the Alabama State Convention, were the following: "1. Resolved, by the Democracy of the State of Alabama in Convention assembled, That, holding all issues and principles upon which they have heretofore affiliated and acted with the National Democratic Party to be inferior in dignity and importance to the great question of Slavery, they content themselves with a general reäffirmance of the Cincinnati platform as to such issues, and also indorse said platform as to Slavery, together with the following resolutions: "2. Resolved further, That we reaffirm so much of the first resolution of the platform adopted in the Convention by the Democracy of this State, on the 8th of January, 1856, as relates to the subject of Slavery, to wit: The unqualified right of the people of the Slaveholding States to the protection of their property in the States, in the Territories, and in the wilderness in which Territorial Governments are as yet unorganized.' and clear away all obstacles to a full enjoy"3. Resolved further, That, in order to meet ment of this right in the Territories, we reaffirm the principle of the 9th resolution of the Platform adopted in Convention by the Democracy of this State, on the 14th of February, 1848, to wit: That it is the duty of the General Government, by all proper legislation. to secure an entry into those |