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dating our great struggle are, in good part, preserved. Perhaps the events of no former war were ever so fully and promptly embodied in a single work as are those of our great contest in The Record, which must prove the generous fountain whence all future historians of our country may draw at will. But I am also considerably indebted to Mr. Orville J. Victor's History of the Southern Rebellion, wherein is embodied much valuable, important, and interesting material not contained in The Record. I shall doubtless appear to have made more use of Mr. Edward A. Pollard's Southern History of the War; which I have often cited, and shall continue to cite, for peculiar reasons. Its author is so hot-headed a devotee of Slavery and the Rebellion, that nothing which seems to favor that side is too marvelous for his deglutition; so that, if he were told that a single Confederate had constrained a Union regiment to lay down their arms and surrender, he would swallow it, without scrutiny or doubt. His work, therefore, is utterly untrustworthy as a whole ; yet, in certain aspects, it has great value. He is so headlong and unquestioning a believer in the Confederacy, that he never dreams of concealing or disavowing the fundamental ideas whereon it is based; it is precisely because it stands and strikes for Slavery that he loves and glories in the Confederate cause. Then his statements of the numbers engaged or of the losses on either side are valuable in one aspect: You know that he never overstates the strength nor the losses of the Confederates; while he seems, in some instances, to have had access to official reports and other documents which have not been seen this side of the Potomac. Hence the use I have made, and shall doubtless continue to make, of his work. But I trust that it has been further serviceable to me, in putting me on my guard against those monstrous exaggerations of the numbers opposed to them with which weak, incompetent, and worsted commanders habitually excuse, or seek to cover up, their failures, defeats, and losses.

I have not found, and do not expect to find, room for biographic accounts of the generals and other commanders who figure in our great struggle, whether those who have honored and blessed or those who have betrayed and shamed their country. To have admitted these would have been to expand my work inevitably beyond the prescribed limits. By nature little inclined to man-worship, and valuing individuals only as the promoters of measures, the exponents of ideas, I have dealt with personal careers only when they clearly exhibited some phase of our National character, elucidated the state of contemporary opinion, or palpably and powerfully modified our National destinies. Thomas Jefferson, Eli Whitney, Andrew Jackson, Daniel Webster, John C. Calhoun, Benjamin Lundy, Elijah P. Lovejoy, John Brown-men differing most widely in intellectual caliber as well as in aspirations, instincts, convictions, and purposes—may fairly be regarded as, in their several spheres, representative Americans, each of whom in some sense contributed to lay the train which we have seen fired by the Secessionists of our day with so magnificent a pyrotechnic display, so majestic a resulting conflagration; and of these, accordingly, some notion may be acquired from the following pages; while, of our generals and commodores, the miniature Portraits contained in these volumes, and the record of their respective achievements, are all that I can give. So many battles, sieges, marches, campaigns, etc., remain to be narrated, that—ample as this work would seem to be, and capacious as are its pages—a paked record of the remaining events of the war, especially should it be protracted

for a full year more, will test to the utmost my power of condensation to conclude the work in another volume of the generous amplitude of this.

My subject naturally divides itself into two parts: I. How we got into the War for the Union ; and II. How we get out of it. I have respected this division in my cast of the present work, and submit this volume as a clear elucidation of the former of these problems, hoping to be at least equally satisfactory in my treatment of the latter.

It is the task of the historian to eliminate from the million facts that seemed important in their day and sphere respectively, the two or three thousand that have an abiding and general interest, presenting these in their due proportions, and with their proper relative emphasis. Any success in this task must, of course, be comparative and approximate; and no historical work ever was or will be written whereof a well-informed and competent critic might not forcibly say, 'Why was this fact stated and that omitted? Why give a page to this occurrence, and ignore that, which was of at least equal consequence? Why praise the achievement of A, yet pass over that of B, which was equally meritorious and important? But, especially in dealing with events so fresh and recent as those of our great convulsion, must the historian expose himself to such strictures. Time, with its unerring perspective, reduces every incident to its true proportions; so that we are no longer liable to misconceptions and apprehensions which were once natural and all but universal. We know, beyond question, that Braddock's defeat and death before Fort Du Quesne had not the importance which they seemed to wear in the eyes of those who heard of them within the month after their occurrence; that Bunker Hill, though tactically a defeat, was practically a triumph to the arms of our Revolutionary fathers; that the return of Bonaparte from Elba exerted but little influence over the destinies of Europe, and that little of questionable beneficence; and that "fillibusterism,' so called, since its first brilliant achievement in wresting Texas from Mexico and annexing her to this country, though attempting much, has accomplished very little, toward the diffusion either of Freedom or Slavery. And so, much that now seems of momentous consequence will doubtless have shrunk, century hence, to very moderate dimensions, or perhaps been forgotten altogether.

The volume which is to conclude this work cannot, of course, appear till some time after the close of the contest; and I hope to be able to bestow upon it at least double the time that I was at liberty to devote to this. I shall labor constantly to guard against Mr. Pollard's chief error—that of supposing that all the heroism, devotedness, humanity, chivalry, evinced in the contest, were displayed on one side; all the cowardice, ferocity, cruelty, rapacity, and general depravity, on the other. I believe it to be the truth, and as such I shall endeavor to show, that, while this war has been signalized by some deeds disgraceful to human nature, the general behavior of the combatants on either side has been calculated to do honor even to the men who, though fearfully misguided, are still our countrymen, and to exalt the prestige of the American name.

That the issue of this terrible contest may be such as God, in His inscrutable wisdom, shall deem most directly conducive to the progress of our race in knowledge, virtue, liberty, and consequent happiness, is not more the fervent aspiration, than it is the consoling and steadfast faith, of

H, G. NEW YORK, April 10, 1864.

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XVIII. Case of Dred Scott in Sup. Court...251

Views of President Buchanan--Chief Justice Taney
- Judge Wayne-Judge Nelson-Judge Grier-
Judge Daniel Judge Campbell-Judge

Col, Benton-Wm. L. Yancey-Daniel Webster-
Judge McLean-Judge Curtis.

XIX. Our Foreign Policy-Monroe-Cuba.264

Treaty with France-Washington-Jefferson-The
* Monroe Doctrine'-The Panama Congress--Se
cret Intrigues for the Acquisition of Cuba-Ed-
ward Everett on the Proposition of France and
England for a triplicate guarantee of Cubs to Spain
--The Ostend Manifesto-William Walker and the
regeneration' of Central America-Mr. Buchanan on
Cuba-Democratic National resolve of 1860 respect-
ing Cuba.

1. Our Country in 1782 and in 1860.... 17

Increase of Population and Wealth.

II. Slavery in America, prior to 1776.... 24

III. Do. in the American Revolution... 33

IV. Do. under the Confederation ....... 37

Jefferson's Proposal of Restriction-Nathan Dane's do.

V. The Convention of 1787 and the Fed.
eral Constitution..


VI Slavery after 1787..


Persistent Hostility of Congress to Slavery Extension
-Purchase of Louisiana--El Whitney and his Cot-


VII. Missouri—the Struggle for Restriction. 74

Scott.Clay--Pinkney--P. P. Barbour-Webster-

John W. Taylor-Thomas-the Compromise.

VIII. State Rights-Resolutions of '98..... 81

Nallification--Hayne-Webster Jackson--Calhoun

--Georgia and the Indians.

IX. Abolition-Its Rise and Progress....107

Early efforts for Emancipation--Slave-holders con-

demn Slavery-Virginia, Benjamin Lundy-Wm.

Lloyd Garrison.

X. The Churches on Slav'y and'Abolition. 117

XI. The Pro-Slavery Reaction-Riots.....122

Rifing the Maile-Persecution and Murder of Rev.

EP. Lovejoy-The Struggle in Congress for the

Right of Petition.

XII. Texas and her Annexation to the U.S.147

Sam, Houston-- Hunt--Webster--T. W. Gilmer

Jackson-J. Q. Adams-Van Buren-Clay-Benton

--Polk-Tyler --Calhoun.

XIII. The Mission of Samuel Hoar to S. C.. 178

XIV. War with MexicoWilmot Proviso...185

Gen. Cass-Letter to Nicholson--Gen. Taylor chosen

President-Attempts by Gen. Burt, of 8. c., and by

Senator Douglas, to extend the Compromise Line of

36° 30' to the Pacific.

XV. The Struggle for Compromise in 1850.,198

Gov, Seward James Brooks-Gen. Taylor-Hen-

Ty Clay Jefferson Davis-Webster's 7th of March

Speech-The Texas Job.

XVI. The Era of Slave-Hunting—1850-60.210

Fagitive Slave Law-John Van Buren-Judge Grier

R. R. Sloane Margaret Garner--Anthony Burns

The Flaunting Lie'-National Party Platforms

of 1851_Gen. Scott-Election of Pierce and King.


XXIII. The Press and People of the North

deprecate Civil War...........351
The Tribune's overture-The Albany Evening
Journal's-The Philadelphia Meeting-Mayor
Henry-Judge Woodward-George W. Curtis

XXIV. Attempts at 'Conciliation' in Cong. 367

Buchanan and Black condemn 'coercion-
Mr. Crittenden and his Compromise--Mr. Cor-
win's Committee of Thirty-one Senator Antho-
ny's proffer-C. L. Vallardigham's project--The
Corwin Constitutional Amendment adopted by

either House.
XXV. Peace Democracy at the North, and

the Peace Conference at Wash-

The Tweddle Hall Convention at Albany, 1861
-Seymour, Thayer, etc.--Peace Conference or
Congress at Washington--Modified Crittenden
Compromise adopted thereby-Congress non-

concurs-Failure to compromise-Why.
XXVI. The Union versus the Confederacy. .407

Organization of the Confederacy-Jefferson Da-
vis chosen President, and Alex. H. Stephena
Vice-President-Davia's Inaugural-Stephens's
'corner-stone' speech-Mr. Lincoln's journey to

XXVII. The Pause before the Shock. .....428

The two Cabinets-Attempts to Negotiate by
Forsyth and Crawford-Repelled by Gov. Sewa
ard—Judge Campbell's statement-Northern
proposals to join the Confederacy-Society for

the promotion of National Unity.
XXVIII. Siege and Reduction of Ft. Sumter 440

Healtation--Futile Negotiations Attempt to
provision-Order to open fire-Bombardinent
commenced-Fire returned--Interior of the fort
in faines-Wigfall's volunteer embassy-Ander
son surrenders-Garrison leaves for New York-
Dixie jubilant.

XXXII. West Virginia clings to the Union 516

Convention called-State organization effected
-McClellan advances-Fight at Rich Moun-
tain-Rebel rout at Carrick's Ford-Union Ro-
pulse at Searytown-Surprise at Cross Lanes
Carnifex Ferry-Guyandotte--Romney-Alle-

ghady Summit-Huntersville.
XXXIII. The War in Old Virginia........528

Ft. Monroe--Great Bethel-Alexandria occu-
pied-Vienne-Patterson's advance-His flank
movement to Charlestown Johnston rushes to
Manassas-Gen. Sanford's testimony---McDow-
ell advances to Centerville-Blackburn's Ford
-Bull Run-Union defeat and flight-Causes
thereof-Gen. Scott's plan-Criticised by Hon.

F. P. Blair-Consequences of our failure.
XXXIV. First session of the 37th Congress 553

Organization of the House-Mr. Lincoln's first
Message-Various propositions--Henry May's
visit to Richmond

-Conservative Republicans
on Slavery and the Union-Mr. Crittenden's
resolvo-Proposals to Compromise-Confisca-
tion of Slaves used to promote the Rebellion-

The President's acts approved- Adjournment.
XXXV. Rebellion and War in Missouri.572

State preparations to aid the Rebellion-Flight
of Jackson from Jefferson City-Fight at
Booneville-Camp Cole-State Convention
Jackson's Proclamation of War-Dug Springs
--Battle of Wilson's Creek-Death of Lyon-
Fremont in command--Letter to the President
-Proclaims Martial Law-Mulligan besieged
at Lexington--Surrenders - Price retreats--
Fremont pursces-Zagonyi's Charge at Spring-
field-Fremont superseded-Halleck in conn-

mand-Battle of Belmont.
XXXVI. War on the Seaboard and Ocean.597

The Privateer Savannah-The Petrel-Fort
Hatterns-Pensacola and Pickens-The Sum-
ter Hollins's Ram exploit-Dupont and Sher-
man's Expedition-Capture of Port Royal-
The Trent Case-Surrender of Mason and Sli-

XXXVII. Kentucky adheres to the Union.608

Politicians-Elections-Overwhelming Union
majorities-Magoffin'a neutrality-The Presi-
dent's response-Rebel Invasion-Legislature
protests --Gen. Grant occupies Paducah-Zol-
licoffer at Wild Cat-Nelson at Piketon-
Schoepf's Retreat-Rebel Government organ-
ized at Russellville-Geo. W. Johnson made
Gorernor--Kentucky gravely admitted into
the Southern Confederacy-Full delegation
sent to the Congress at Richmond-Richard

Hawes finally declared Governor.
XXXVIII. The Potomac-Ball's Bluff......617

Scott & failure-Gen. McClellan called to
Washington---Brings Order out of Chaos
Great increase of our Army-No advance
Ball's Bluff-Dranesville- All Quiet-The

Hutchinsons expelled-Whittier's Lyric.
Appended Notes....

I. The Synod of Kentucky and Slavery: II.
New School Presbyterians condemn the insti-
tution, IIL, The Albany Evening Journal on
Gov. Seward and Judge Campbell. IV. Jere.
Clemens on Alabama secession--the Rebels
feared delay. V. The confidence of the Rebels
-Russell on the capture of Washington. VI.
The North Carolina Convention an error



XXIX. The Nation called to arms—and

Virginia sends Envoys to Washington--The
President's response to them-He calls for
75,000 Militis-Comments of the Press-Re-
sponse of the Border State Governors, Balti-
more in a ferment-Attack on the 6th Massachu-
sette-Do. on Pennsylvanians-The Rebels up-
permost-Railroads and telegraphs broken up-
Mayor Brown and the Young Christians visit
Washington to demand that no more Northern
troops enter Baltimore-Their success-General
Butler lands at Annapolis and recovers Mary-

land-Her traitorous Legislature,
XXX. Secession resumes its march......473

Shameful surrender of the Norfolk Navy Yard-
Secession of Virginia--Tennessee-North Caro-
lins-Arkansas-Miasouri-Blair and Lyon rally

a Union force at St. Louis-Kentucky.
XXXL The Opposing Forces in conflict...497

Davis's first Message--Relative strength of the
North and the South-European opinion-
Slavery - Cotton — Military training, --- Army
Officers-Northern sympathy with the South
-The heart of the People for the old flag and
their whole country.





PRESIDENT AND CABINET. 1. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President 2. HANNIBAL HAMLIN, Vice-President 3. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State 4. Salmon P. CHASE, Secretary of the Treasury 5. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 6. GIDEON WELLES, Secretary of the Navy 7. John P. USHER, Secretary of the Interior 8. MONTGOMERY BLAIR, Postmaster-General 9. EDWARD Bates, Attorney-General 10. Simon CAMERON, ex-Secretary of War. 11. CALEB B. SMITH, ex-Secretary of the Interior.





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336 | 29. John B. FLOYD. 25. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS


31. JAMES M. MASON 27. ROBERT Toombs.





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UNION GENERALS. 35. Lieut.-Gen. WINFIELD SCOTT 448 41. Maj.-Gen. Don Carlos BUELL . 448 36. Maj.-Gen. John E. Wool










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