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ustrian Poland important and libecessions have been made by the imovernment to the people. A popuernor has been appointed in Galicia, structions to effect an administraorganization of the province. Crato have a separate council of govt; Polish is to be the official lanin the transaction of all internal afnd the peasantry are to be released udal services, a compensation being rom the treasury to the landlords. e political privileges, however, were inted to what was once the republic cow, until after the occurrence of disturbances and some bloodshed. incipal outbreak of Polish disconok place on the twenty-eighth of While the commandant Count de ione was riding through the town head of his staff, and exhorting the cted people to keep the peace, he ed upon from a window and badly ed. Thereupon General Moltke, the command, ordered the troops upon the populace. These being ed in dense masses, the execution rrible. But the inhabitants, instead ng cowed into submission, immediurned to the work of barricading reets. Behind their hasty defences withstood for the space of three the attacks of the artillery. But it le to contend against such unequal The city submitted and sued for n. The principal insurgents and few of the Polish émigrés survived ontest, escaped by flight. Of the , ten were killed and forty wounded; the people, a much greater number. imely bestowal, soon afterwards, of lependent and national administragovernment, prevented the occurof insurrection.*

f

remains for us only to chronicle the ess of Sclavonic liberty in the princies of the Danube, belonging to TurFor even so far eastward have add the European revolution and the of popular reform.

e Moldavians and Wallachians are escendants of the ancient Geta and ns, mixed with the Roman colonists nto the country by Trajan, and speak

* Die Kölnische Zeitung.

L. II. NO. VI. NEW SERIES.

a language composed of Sclavonic and Latin, hardly inferior in richness and harmony to any of the modern languages, which have sprung from the amalgamation of the Romans and the barbarians. Their country, lying on the Danube and the Pruth, has been from time immemorial the high road, by which the Asiatic hordes have driven their herds and flocks into the pastures of Europe. Here their spears first met the swords of Roman and Gothic civilization. During the earlier Christian centuries, these now flowery plains were a field of death. The light Sarmatian horsemen charged upon the heavy legions of Rome; the Hun, more brutal than the Sarmatian, pursued the scattered Goths; and nation after nation established an ephemeral dominion, until the white eagle of Poland, which for a time built its nest on the woody hills of Moldavia, was scared away by the crescent of the Osmanli. The unchanging despotism of Turkey, under which the inhabitants of these countries dragged out a precarious and miserable existence, lasted until it became somewhat modified, though scarce improved by the protectorship of Russia, established by treaty in the year 1828. Since that period, the long interval of peace which has enriched and elevated the middling classes of most European lands, has extended a degree of its material prosperity and its political influence even to the banks of the Lower Danube. A liberal party has gradually sprung up, still more powerful than in other parts of Turkey, and in the early part of the present year, had made such progress as to attract the attention of the ever watchful Czar.

After the occurrence of the western revolutions, the disaffection having greatly increased, and having led to the expression of a desire on the part of some of the friends of progress that the principalities might be detached from Turkey and formed into a kingdom dependent upon Hungary, the Emperor of Russia threatened to exercise his office of protector by an armed intervention, and ordered an additional number of troops to the northern frontier of Moldavia, which, like a promontory between two boisterous seas, threatening to overwhelm it, lies exposed between the dominions of Russia on the one side, and Austria on the other. But the activi

41

ty of the Russian government produced no more effect in staying the progress of democracy than the lethargy of the Turkish. The people arose in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, and declaring that the ancient order of things had come to an end, formed a Provisional Government. Bibesco, the pospidar, an officer invested with powers little inferior to those of a Turkish Pacha or a Roman proconsul, after having undertaken in vain to place himself at the head of the new movement, was compelled to abdicate. The people mistrusted his motives, and preferred to intrust their liberties to men of their own choice. The popular council of government commenced its administration by suppressing all titles and ranks in the two sister principalities; removing the censorship from the press; requiring the surrender of all fire-arms in the possession of the people to the state, with the exception of one for each man; and abolishing capital punishment, together with that of the Schlague. These decrees form the principal features of the popular constitution, which has superseded the former arbitrary administration of the laws of Justinian.

The flight of Bibesco was the signal for the Russians to cross the Pruth. On the 26th of June, General Duhamel marched his Cossacks and Huhlans-in all an army of ten thousand men-upon Jassy, the capital of Moldavia; and the advance of this Russian force was soon followed by the arrival in Wallachia of a Turkish detachment of five thousand men, by the way of the Danube. Before this display of the men of war, the Provisional Government hid its head, for a time; and only the liberal propaganda, consisting of the young men of Bucharest, remained at their post. Remonstrances, however, were made against the Russian intervention both by the people and by the Turkish authorities; and the invading generals, contenting themselves with occupying the principalities, awaited the slower action of the diplomatists. On the 25th of August, a note from the Russian minister of foreign affairs was presented to the Divan, stating the designs and the demands of the Czar. It required the recall of Suleyman-Pacha, the Turkish commissioner extraordinary in rincipalities, who had remonstrated

e entrance into Moldavia of Genmel, and the restoration without

The

delay of the ancient order of things, de claring that Russia would never consent te the establishment of a democratic propsganda on the banks of the Pruth. Divan, through the influence of ReschidPacha, and the party in favor of political reforms, decided to send a new commissioner to Jassy, before taking any decisive action with reference to the revolution, and thereby give time for the diplomacy of the other European courts to counteract the designs of Russia. Meanwhile the Rus sian troops have retired; the authority of the Provisional Government has been recognized by the Sultan; and the new commissioner, Fnad-Effendi, is said to be equally intelligent and liberal in his str ments as his predecessor, Suleyman.*

The diplomatic question now pending respecting the affairs of these prine ties, is one not only of vital importance to themselves, but one also of great moment to the adjacent countries, and to the cause of freedom in Europe. These provinces. so fruitful, yet so neglected that they may be termed a beautiful wilderness, me only the protection of free institutions, E order that the solicitations of nature may be cheerfully met by the industry of But besides its own banks, promising the most generous rewards to the enterprising husbandman, the lower Danube furnishes also, an outlet for the superfluous pr d of Hungary and Austria, and a way ɗ communication between Europe and A May this great high road of the ne be set free and open! As over it passed the barbarous tribes of the East te vanquish the arms and the arts of Allen and of Rome, so may now the civil of the West proceed unobstructed the same pathway to Asia, until, at future day, the freedom which has speg so unexpectedly into existence of western shores of the Euxine, and ▾! seems to encourage, by its near pre the struggling independence wit. bas made forever memorable the mountar lind of the opposite coast, shall surprise th world by returning to dwell between the river of Egypt and the great river the river Euphrates"-to rebuild the cities of the Syrian plains-and till again that sacred Garden, where originally sprang.

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FRENCH REVOLUTIONS.*

work, of which this is the first volintended to portray "the French ion, which commenced under Louis à 1789, and which, under various tions and phases, has been in n ever since." It would be diffifind a subject upon which so much en written already, yet the work us is well deserving a perusal. hose familiar with the astounding of that period will feel an interest passing them in review under the 5 guidance, whose clear statements a distinct view of each great occurwith its dependence and influence e which precede and follow. no new matter of remark that the shistories of this period have been tinctured with the peculiar bias of riter. Thus it has been difficult to e conflicting statements, and an ion previously formed has often haken, without our being able to whether it was actually right or The strong prejudices evinced writers have been so apparent, er reading both sides, we felt conthat neither was entitled to implicit ice. Besides the works professing histories of this period, there has ch a vast collection of biographies, s and personal narratives of the nd sufferers in this great convulsion, person of ordinary leisure could me for their perusal. Of all these dhead appears to have made good d we give him credit for having of the French Revolution, in the f his preface, that "the time is now when it may be described with truth partiality; when the passions of the 1 may merge in the cooler deducreason; when it may be considithout any bias tending to obscure

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the judgment or vitiate the veritable development.

The work commences with the accession of Louis XVI. to the throne of France, on the death of his grandfather, Louis XV., in 1774. In the twentieth year of his age, of a virtuous disposition, with the best intentions and sincerely desirous of doing good, he succeeded to a power in theory almost unlimited. Totally inexperienced as he was in all business, obliged to rely on the counsel and agency of others, and with a mind naturally weak and vacillating, he required a minister with the genius of a Richelieu and with honesty equal to his genius, to save the nation from the abyss over which it was trembling. An empty exchequer, and a people already exhausted by taxation, the spoils of which had been squandered in debauchery by a greedy and frivolous aristocracy, without affording any stability or support to the government, left this monarch more powerless than the meanest of his subjects; whilst every office of trust and emolument was in the hands of titled paupers who cared neither for the King nor the people, each being intent only on filling his own pockets.

That such a state of affairs should produce a revolution was inevitable, and that in that revolution this selfish and useless herd should be swept away, is not to be regretted but, as is the case in all great changes, the innocent suffered with the guilty, and the good and virtuous were confounded with the dissolute and rapacious in one common ruin. The work before us gives a very clear and distinct view of all the stages through which that unfortunate country was hurried, in the short space of three years, from the state we have described to the opposite extreme of a domineering and Jacobin Democracy,

French Revolutions from 1789 to 1848. By T. W. Redhead. Vol. I. Boston: Gould & Lincoln. 1848.

which, far from mitigating any of the evils | it pretended a mission to extirpate, added such scenes of cruelty and bloodthirstiness as the world had never before witnessed. The present events in France have greatly revived the interest of the story of her old Revolution, and it would be gratifying to our readers, did space permit, to show the many points of resemblance between the proceedings of that and the present. We look upon the great error of the former, to be the entirely democratic form of government which was sought to be established. So great was the hatred and fear of anything aristocratic that one chamber elected by universal suffrage was the only legislative body which the majority would tolerate. This, while the King was permitted to remain nominally on the throne, rendered him worse than a mere cipher, for his person and office were alike contemptible in the eyes of the nation; and if we substitute a President in the place of the King, we shall find the head of the executive department in constant accordance and actuated by the same impulses, right or wrong, as the legislative chamber, without even the control of public opinion, which each claim to represent during their whole term of office, notwithstanding the changes which may take place in the mind of the nation at large, and it must be borne in mind that the vast majority of the French nation are entirely without political knowledge or education, not having hitherto had the slightest influence or share in the election of representatives.

Another point of resemblance, or rather another idea borrowed from the old Jacobin Democracy, is the overweening insolence of the Parisian mob and its leaders. "Paris," says Louis Blanc, "is the heart and brain of the world." So thought the Jacobins of 1793, when the fall of the Girondins, and a rapidly approaching anarchy, was to establish their bloody and ferocious ascendency. The Girondins, with a majority in the Convention, were powerless before their fearful audacity. Backed by the Commune of Paris and the clubs, with a ferocious mob ready at their call, they overawed the representatives of the nation. The departments generally manifested a determination to support the Convention, and threatened a hostile movement against

Paris, for the emancipation of the national representatives. Seizing upon the pretext of foreign invasion, but for the real purpose of establishing their own supremacy, the cry of the Jacobins was for "a centralization of the powers of the government, as Marat expressed it, for an organization of the despotism of liberty to counteract the despotism of kings;" but as al! parties were equally resolved on repelling foreign aggression, the real reason for the decree of centralization, was to put down opposition to Jacobin rule at home.

The following is the account given of the state of political parties in the Convention :—

"France was declared a republic before a single clause of the constitution appropriate to such a form of government was framed; and in the interim the reins of power were left to Three competitors were in the lists to struggle be grasped by the boldest and the strongest.

for this supremacy-the Convention, the Co-
mune, and the Jacobin Club. In the first the
Girondins continued to possess a numerica
majority. * ** But the two later
were wholly in the hands of their adversaries.
who consequently had means of action at ther
had always proved so efficacious. These a
command on the decisive point on which they
versaries always ranged themselves on the i
side of the Convention, and being perched a
the higher benches, obtained the appellative a
the Mountain. Between the Girondins and the
Mountain sat a large number of deputies, wie
affected to be impartial, and who, in fact, we
not under the direct influence of fear, genemy
inclined to the side of moderation and reas
They were called the Plain, and subsequently
in contempt, the Belly, when they devolved
into the passive instruments of tyranny. I
theory the differences dividing the Girondins
and Jacobins were not very broadly or even
distinctly marked. They both professed te b
doubtless reluctant converts in their farth, a
republicans, although many of the former wen
sailed with a current they could not hope
stem. ** Save that the Gronča
dreamt of a republic in which virtur um
talent should exercise their legitimate swar
both parties were agreed that it should b
based on the widest principle of equity,
the most extended signification of the pens
'sovereignty of the people.'

differences therefore were extraneous t
elementary opinions, and sprung from perse
rivalries and animosities, which arrayed thes
in bitter and implacable antagonism."

Their great difference was in the

ner in which the people should be allowed | tained the right of controlling their repreto interfere in the government, the Giron- | sentatives. dins holding that the people delegated the right of sovereignty to their representatives, while the Jacobins, palliating the massacres of September, maintained that the people, meaning the Paris mob, through whom they expected to rule, re

We shall be glad to see a continuation of this work. We do not say its completion, for judging from present appearances, it is impossible to anticipate that our generation will witness the end of the "French Revolutions."

GHOST STORIES.

WHETHER or not the evening on which I first heard the following narrative was the one succeeding that in which the schoolmaster gave us the history of Allison and Ellen, I cannot now remember. But it must have been some one of the evenings during that visit at uncle Robert's, for I well recollect his bringing home from the post-office a number of a monthly magazine, and Mary Horton's persuading the schoolmaster to read aloud a story which happened to strike her fancy.

The tale so much interested me that I have often since looked to find it among the bound volumes of magazines in libraries, but have never been able to light upon a set of the "Entertaining Magazine" (for so it runs in my memory the periodical was entitled.) The endeavor to recall and reproduce it will please myself, though perhaps it may trespass upon the indulgence of some readers who may have met with the original. Certain circumstances, however, persuade me that their number cannot be many.

It is not so long since the railroad was cut through the heart of it, that the Westhill estate will have been forgotten by the inhabitants of Norfolk county in the Old Bay State. The mansion house, a large three story dwelling, with a square roof, and portico, used to be a conspicuous object for several miles along the -sford and Boston turnpike. It was situated on

the summit of a gentle rise of land; a wide smooth lawn left its western front exposed, while the swell of the ridge almost concealed the village of barns and out-houses which clustered behind it, so that by strangers it was often mistaken at a distance for a meeting-house. Near by, however, and from the house itself, the view was delightful; a famous orchard spread along the south-eastern descent, and over the north a patch of woodland extended nearly up to the kitchen garden. Altogether the site was very desirable, and it seemed almost a pity when the railroad was pushed through it, leaving the house on the edge of a fifty foot deep cut. the estate has trebled in value, and as the family had moved to the city some time before, residing on it only during the summer, they have cheerfully submitted to what has proved so profitable.

But

The estate came into the hands of its present proprietor by marriage with the only daughter of Colonel Blanding, who bought it of old Mr. Dalton's heirs. Mr. Dalton was a Boston merchant, who after a long life spent in business, found himself compelled by increasing infirmities to retire from active pursuits. He was rich, but his wife had died childless several years before his retirement, and his only connexions were some distant relatives in the western part of the State. Left thus almost alone in the world, his solitude, combined with the restlessness of a mind

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