Danube. Already several sanguinary, though not decisive engagements have taken place between the two contending parties; and by the last advices, the insurgents had advanced within two days' march of both Pesth and Vienna. On the other hand, the Magyars, although in the midst of the confusion attending a popular revolution, have made. spirited efforts ultimately to quell the revolt. A large number of their soldiers are absent from the kingdom, in the service of the empire; but, the landsturm having been convoked, it is expected that a force double that of their enemy will be brought into the field; and it is confidently believed that, terrible as is the advance of such hordes of Croats and Pandours, the campaign * Advices received since the writing of fairs of Hungary. It now appears that the above, put a somewhat new aspect up tiss perial government has not been acting a that country in good faith, but has long las cret understanding with Jellachich, that the b possible, on the condition of repressing the t ter should be allowed to conquer Hurray! be looked for with the greater certainty in consequence of the recent timely incorporation into Hungary of the dependent king-lution, and restoring the former influence of A dom of Transylvania, whereby the strength of the Magyars is increased by a more close alliance with a million and a half of their countrymen. To the same end, the stand lately taken by the government at Vienna will no doubt contribute. At the commencement of the insurrection, the unsettled state of Austrian affairs, and, probably, a secret disposition in the imperial court to allow the Hungarian revolution to be embarrassed by the disaffection of the more loyal and less democratic Sclavonians, prevented any decisive interference on the part of the sovereign. Hitherto, also, the negotiations carried on at Vienna between the Ban of Croatia and the Hungarian minister, Prince Esterhazy, as well as the mediation of the Archduke John, of Austria, have been altogether unavailing. But the increasing magnitude of this Croatian movement, not second in the importance of its possible effects on the Austrian empire to that in Italy, has at length forced the imperial government to take a decisive part. A manifesto, expressed in the strongest terms, has been issued, requiring both the contending parties to lay down their arms, and put an end to the war. The Austrian government has come to the conclusion, doubtless, that it is prudent to check the rising ambition of the Ban of Croatia, for, although the loyalty of the Scla tria. To aid in accomplishing this par Emperor, in the latter part of Septcalet pointed Count Lamberg to the chief etamant the army in Hungary, and sent manifestos quiring the submission of both the troops and people to the new commissary. But as these crees did not bear the countersign of a Har minister, as required by the new constitutio Diet unanimously pronounced them to be in to lation of the laws of the land, and forbade t either to be circulated or obeyed in the ki The day following this vote of the Diet. Co Lamberg arriving himself at the capital, and tempting to assume the command of the ta guard, he was seized by the people, while at t way to the Diet, for the purpose of prese his credentials to that body, and put to dea violence. After the commission of this happy act by the popular fury, the Diet made the re ture between the kingdom and the empire lute and irretrievable, by the adoption of a ra lution in the following terms: In the absence of a supreme governmer, de Chamber appoints the six members who been associated with Bathyanyi for the co of the war, a provisional government, with limited powers." This act became the signal for universal rebe lion against the authority of the Emperor. Al the same time, to blow into a flame the p enthusiasm in behalf of the indepen lence of t country, the publication of intercepted e spondence, addressed by the Emperor to the Eat of Croatia, revealed the dastardly plct, what had been formed at Vienna, for effecting dat throw of the new Hungarian constitution. Tast papers brought to light three decrees of the Em peror, of which the first appointed Count A Veczy President of a new Hungarian with authority to select its members. The a r To this greater Sclavonic movement, em- | cing also the insurrection of the Bohens at Prague, the contests between the mans and the Poles, both in Posen Galicia, and the revolution in the nubian principalities of Turkey, we now n more directly our attention. The Sclavonic race, coming originally m Asia, appears to have existed for he thousand years in the north-east of rope. The Greeks and Romans despised distant Slavi, and contented themselves h giving to the vast regions occupied them, in connection with the Finni, the que names of Scythia and Sarmatia. eir descendants, which still possess a ge part of Eastern Europe, consist prinally of the Russians, the different Sclanic tribes in Hungary, the Bohemians, e Poles, and the Lithuanians. The relationship of a common descent is knowledged among all these nations, expting between the Poles and the Rusns; and within a few years, many of the ading minds of the more westerly Sclanic countries have entertained the design ment was not countersigned by an Austrian inister, but by Count Veczy himself. The secd decree, addressed to the county magistra es, placed the kingdom under martial law, the ird dissolved the Diet, on the ground of the ilgality of its late proceedings, declaring all its ets to be null and void, which had not received e imperial sanction; and appointed Baron Joeph Jellachich dictator of Hungary, with sueme powers, both civil and military. This assassin's blow, aimed from behind at the berty of a great enfranchised nation, has been aralyzed by still another insurrection at Vienna, nd by the second flight of Ferdinand, as pusilanimous as double-faced, from his capital. On ne occurrence of these events, the Constituent Assembly of Austria immediately revoked the owers conferred upon Jellachich; and the latter, 1 consequence, will no longer be sustained by he secret intrigues or the open aid of the governng power at Vienna. The latest reports repre ent him to have been defeated. This will, un oubtedly, be his fate, sooner or later, as, alhough his position, extending from Raab on the Danube, on the left, to the Platten See and the Bakonyes forest, on the right, is one of great milicary strength, his army, hastily collected and imperfectly equipped, is particularly deficient in hat right arm of war, the artillery. The independence of Hungary, favored as it will be by the supremacy of the popular party at Vienna, cannot fail, we think, to be established, whatever may be the fate of the Austrian Empire, now shaken again by insurrection at its centre, as well as by revolt in its extremities. [Vienna correspondence of London papers.] of strengthening these ties of brotherhood. The principal means employed for effecting this purpose have been the interchange of sentiments, various forms of association, and the cultivation of their common language and literature. Russia, also, favoring the idea of a national hegemony, has zealously patronized Sclavonic letters beyond her own borders, and particularly in Hungary. Every Hungarian writer of reputation, employing this tongue, has been openly and freely rewarded with Russian favor, if not with stipends. A Sclavonic propaganda is said to have been founded and maintained in this country by northern gold and influence; and that it has been mainly in consequence of its exertions, that the dream has been cherished by some ardent friends of Sclavonic nationality, of establishing a monarchy of their own on the ruins of the Magyar dominion. Certain it is that the principal portion of the Sclavonic population in Hungary delight to call themselves by the name of Russnyaks, and, being of the Greek communion, openly pray for the Emperor of Russia, as our Czar," even at Pesth and Presburg. 66 The recent revolution in France, and the political disorganization of the German States, gave a very great impulse to the centralizing tendency among the Scla vonians. Hence the origin of the Congress of Prague. Immediately after the triumph of the people of Vienna, the friends of Sclavonic nationality in the Austrian Empire agreed to assemble at Prague, on the thirty-first day of May, to deliberate on their common interests. Besides representatives from the various Selavonic provinces of Austria, a considerable number of distinguished individuals from other lands inhabited by the same race, were invited to be present. The call was very generally answered; and at the time appointed, the ancient city of Prague saw its quiet streets animated with deputies, speaking in different dialects, and dressed in the various and gaunty costumes of Czecks, Poles, Croatians, Dalmatians and Illyrians. They represented eleven millions of their countrymen. On the second of June, the Congress was formally organized. A committee, appointed to draw up a series of resolutions, expressive of the views of the Assembly respecting the subject of Sclavonic interests, subsequently querors. Previously to the breaking out of the recent Revolutions, therefore, the national feeling had become very strong and the national party well organized Bohemia. So imbittered, indeed, had this province become against the aggressive yet weak and vacillating policy of the administration of Metternich, that armed bands of Czecks were formed in various districts, for the purpose of overawing the German population, and ultimately resist ing the Austrian government. These con made an elaborate report. Of this, the first clause asserted the necessity of forming a league offensive and defensive between all Sclaves, as the only means of restoring the lost strength and faded splendor, as well as maintaining the new constitutional liberties of the empire. The second clause declared the importance of preserving, as the basis of this peoples' league, each one of the distinct nationalities of Austria; and to this end, recommending the formation at Vienna of a general Austrian diet, in which the different nationali-sisted principally of fanatical young men, ties should be duly represented. The who dressed and armed themselves after third resolution advises the establishment the fashion of the time of the patriot of a system of literary intercouse between Zyska, and were called the Swornörstdifferent branches of the race. The in all about twenty thousand. The trifourth asserts that they will not allow umph of the people at Vienna weakened Austria to occupy a subordinate position still further the German party in Bohe in the proposed German Empire; and mia; and when the governor, in obedience that the Sclaves will not recognize the to instructions received from the new decrees of the Frankfort Parliament as Austrian administration, gave orders for binding. The last clause proposes that the election of members to the Frankf a deputation should wait upon the Empe- Parliament to be held in Prague, only ror, informing him of the resolutions of the three votes were tendered, and the po Congress. ple could hardly be restrained from exper ling the officer who had ordered the opening of the polls. Before any action, however, was taken on these resolutions, the breaking out of the Czeckish insurrection in Prague put a stop to the deliberations of the Congress, and finally resulted in its premature dissolution.* The Congress, it is true, observed the form of loyalty to the Emperor, but whether it possessed its spirit may well be the subject of doubt. It appears to have been the sense of the members of the Assembly that the Austrian Empire ought to be Sclave, a majority of its people being of that race; and that if the German provinces should become incorporated with the new Teutonic confederation, it would become necessary for the others to form a separate state. This idea the Sclavonic population of Bohemia were quite too ready to reduce to practice; for some vision of a national empire, including Russia, seems to have been one of the principal causes of the insurrection at Prague. Their hatred of the Austrian Government, however, was of long standing. For many years a systematic effort has been making to revive the use of the Czeckish language and customs, in opposition to those of their con * Die Allgemeine Zeitung von Augsburg. At length, when the abrupt departure of Ferdinand from his capital had produced an interregnum of authority in the empire, the National Committee at Prag | resolved on establishing a separate nationa administration in Bohemia. A provis ional government was accordingly formed with Count Leo Thun at its head, and with a majority of its members selected from the most determined friends of Czeck ish nationality. The new ministry imme diately sent a deputation to Innsprack, w request the imperial sanction for the reve lution, and to demand the recognition d the right of Bohemia to a separate adnaistration of government, responsible w itself alone. This mission was unsuccessful; and a conflict of protocols, which had be opened with the Cabinet at Vienna, wa followed by a more serious war of arma The immediate occasion of the outbreak which occurred on the twelfth of Ju was the refusal of the commander ei garrison in Prague, Prince Windise! to supply the students of that clay w arms and ammunition. The Ci population, encouraged to revolt by priests, took up the cause of the latter rricades thereupon were erected; and e populace, at the same time, proceeded | great numbers to the head-quarters of e commandant. Here, amid the uproar the people, a fatal shot, directed wards the windows of the palace, struck own the wife of Prince Windischgrätz; other severely wounded his eldest son, I officer of the Cuirassiers. But the mmander, meeting with Roman equamity the shock of this sudden calamity, peared before the infuriated people, and dressed them in words, which deserve be recorded on the page of history to s honor. "If this is meant," said he, 66 as a harivari for me, because my name is Windischgrätz, and because I am called a aristocrat, yonder is my private resience. You are free to go to it. But if is directed against me as an officer, and gainst this public edifice, I will show you commander who knows how to do his uty. "My wife lies before me a pallid corpse; ut I address you with words of kindness nd conciliation." But the time for words was past; that or actions had come. The people, becomng more riotous, were forced back by the annon of the artillery; and the troops ook possession of the principal streets. But more or less skirmishing continued ntil the 15th, the women acting their part in the fray with characteristic fury; and the fighting, wherever it did take place, was of the most desperate characer. One man, who had rendered himself particularly obnoxious to the Czecks, was crucified; several captured soldiers were murdered; noses and ears were cut off; and many other acts of atrocity were committed, as cruel as those which, during the Hussite wars, stained the name of the Toborites. On the 15th, after negotiations had been tried to no purpose, and the military had been galled by the irregular firing of the people, until their patience was well nigh exhausted, the commanding general withdrew his troops from the streets, in which they could act with little advantage, and bombarded the town from the neighboring heights. The old city of Prague was shaken to its foundations, and many a venerable relic of the middle ages was cast down to the ground. These severe measures soon quelled the spirits of the insurrection. The leaders surrendered on the evening of the 17th; the town was reoccupied by the troops; and the dominion of Austria was established more firmly than before. Thus ended the plot to drive the Germans out of Bohemia, and to found on the ruins of the Austrian dominion an Empire of the Czecks. For that this was the design of the leaders of the insurrection was known, in fact, beforehand by the government at Vienna, by means of information communicated from Russia, whose aid had been invoked by the conspirators. The hopes of the rebellion having been completely annihilated, the Czeckish and German parties in Bohemia, when the new constitution for the States of Austria was proclaimed, went through the ceremony of a reconciliation in a "grand festival of fraternity." We hope that it was more than a ceremony; but until Sclavonic and Teutonic blood mingle more freely together than it has yet done, the old enmity of the races, it is to be feared, will not die out in Bohemia.* Equally futile, though far more sanguinary than the insurrection of the Czecks against the Austrians, has been that of the Poles in the grand duchy of Posen against the Prussians. Here the contest seems to have had no other purpose than to gratify the antipathy of the two races, though it had for a pretence the line of division recently run through the duchy, by order of the Prussian government, with the design of incorporating the western districts into Germany, and conferring a separate and national organization upon the eastern division, inhabited principally by Poles. After the establishment of constitutional liberty at Berlin, the Poles inhabiting the grand duchy of Posen demanded of the Prussian monarch a national reorganization of the province, similar to that asked for by the kingdom of Bohemia, from the Emperor of Austria. Public opinion in Prussia, then enthusiastic in the cause of free institutions, compelled the King to grant the petition of his Polish subjects. Accordingly, a committee, composed half of Germans and half of Poles, was appointed to confer with a royal commis * Gazette de Cologne, London Times. sioner, Count Wilbain, on the necessary | in several places; but now the war beproceedings to be adopted in order to carry the wishes of the people, and the consent of the King into effect. The plan, at first, was very favorably received by the German inhabitants of the grand duchy. But when the self-styled National Committee, which had been formed at Posen, consisting entirely of Poles, undertook to supersede the then existing German authorities; to give orders to the troops; and, by various acts, assumed an attitude toward the German population, which said, You are our subjects, the old jealousy and enmity of race was aroused throughout the western districts. Thereupon the Germans lost no time in remonstrating against the proposed changes, which threatened to bring them under Sclavonic rule; and afterwards, the Prussian cabinet delaying to proceed with the proposed reorganization, they followed up their remonstrance with a prayer to be separated from the duchy, and to be incorporated into Germany. The king was not reluctant to comply with the wishes of those who desired to become more closely allied to their fatherland. The province was divided. The line of demarcation left the portion inhabited principally by the Poles on one side, and on the other the districts which had originally belonged to Pomerania, and the population of which is now almost exclusively German, and unacquainted with the Polish language. But as Prussia was unwilling to give up the fortress of Posen, the most important point on her eastern frontier, together with the rivers, canals and high roads subsidiary to it, some districts which were strictly Polish in their character found themselves separated from the fortunes of their countrymen, and allied to strangers. The line of division, therefore, did not satisfy the Poles. On the other hand, the appointment of Count Willisen to the presidency of the province, whose partiality towards the conquered race was well known, and the first acts of whose administration were regarded as expressive of his preferences, displeased the Germans. It took but a little matter to Kindle the flames of civil war in a land so long oppressed, and possessing such an indestructible nationality as Poland. Serious disturbances had some time before occurred tween German and Pole broke out with terrible violence. The peasantry of the former race, assembling in large numbers, directed their attacks upon the residences of the Polish nobility. Many were sacked; many burned. On the other hand, the Polish peasantry seized their scythes and axes, and rushed still more furious into the fight. Mieroslawski, who in 1848-7 had acted a conspicuous part in the conspiracy at Berlin, espoused the cause of his countrymen, and put himself at the head of their troops. These amounted to about twenty thousand men, poorly supplied with arms, though abundantly with passion. On the other side, Count Willisen having been recalled in consequence of the unhappy posture of affairs brought about by his administratration, General Colomb was placed in command. He immediately resorted to the most vigorous measures for putting down the insurrection. At the head of disciplined troops, and amply furnished with heavy artillery, he commenced his attack upon the insurgents with every advantage. Still in several minor contests the Poles were successful. Animated with the fiercest hate of the enemy, they fought with a bravery worthy of a better cause. With scythes and pitch-forks they faced the cannon's mouth, and stood to be shot down in their places, rather than turn their backs in flight. Alas, that Polish blood should always flow in vaia! Here, as in all their conflicts with the conquerors of their country, there was no pos sible chance of success. The first general engagement closed the war. In the hattle of Xiong, on the fifth of May, Maroslawski was taken prisoner, his followers defeated, and his cause ruined. The war having been terminated by one terrible struggle, in which Polish and trerman blood was made for once to flow in common channels, order was SLOG TO established throughout Posen. This work done, General Colomb was withdraw. and the new President, General Pitch', by conciliatory but determined measure, readily succeeded in pacifying the mis of both parties, and preparing the at the speedy introduction of the el.: termined upon by the cabinet at i * Die Allgem. Zeitung. Die Zeitung, vun Ber. |