away by such a relation, and no free man of spirit will endure it. Slaves themselves are quick to see the dishonor of such a condition, and they do not pretend to conceal their contempt for white laborers. The poorer white population of the interior are therefore extremely desirous of a change. They wish by some means, either by the entire removal of the negro population, with whom, be they slave or free, they have in general too much natural pride to engage in gross labor; or by the introduction of new and more profitable occupations, such as those of mines and manufactures, in which the slave cannot be placed in rivalry with them, to better their condition. Even if the lower drudgery of manufactures, such as the attendance upon machines, and the transportation of loads, were given to negroes, there would still be occupation in the higher departments of business, for free white men, were a new field opened for industry in manufactures and mines. he Carolinas and in Ohio. While the Man- | The honor and merit of industry is taken hesters in New England were in operaion, their cotton brought them ten cents; when these, as at present, were broken own, it brought them but six cents, and ven less. This was a very solid and simle reason for giving the Whigs a victory. But there were other arguments operang on the minds of cotton-growers. The early substitution of negro for hite slaves in the southern colonies, comelled them to confine their attention in a reat measure to the cultivation of such roducts as are profitable only when cultiated by negroes, whose physical constituon and natural indolence enable them endure the hot and unhealthy climate of e South. Though the negro requires ss for his subsistence, he is notwithstandg a more expensive farm laborer than e free white man, though perhaps a tter one than the white man enslaved. or while he consumes, it may be, a fourth ss of food and clothing, he accomplishes least a third less work. It is even very obable that a free white farm laborer orking for wages, will accomplish double e work of a black slave. But by this very tivity he is disqualified for the labor of e, cane, and cotton fields; while the indoce and mental sluggishness of the negro able him to live, performing moderate ks, with abundance of sleep and rest. This condition of things precludes the umulation of wealth by the planter, epting in the cultivation of such proets as cannot be grown by the labor of e white men. The institution of slavery ot, however, confined to those districts ere slave labor is profitable. Over e regions of the South, where white or would be far more profitable than that laves, as in Kentucky, the interior of rinia, and the upland and table land of continent generally, in the South and st, where the climate is free from sma and is not visited with the altere damps and heats of a sea-coast sumin the South, it has also an existence. these regions the proportion of to freemen is steadily diminishing, the white population of poor laborers aggrieved by the presence of slaves ng them, because it is repugnant to natural pride of a free citizen to work by side with slaves subject to the lash. es Nor are the owners of unprofitable plantations less interested in this change. The markets being already overstocked with cotton and with corn, and the hemp and tobacco lands exhausted, they cease to accumulate wealth. Rice and sugar can be grown only in certain districts. They are therefore in the condition of capitalists whose money is invested at a low and variable rate of interest. Such of them as had hopes of employing their useless negroes, to whom they were too much attached by habit and affection, to send them to a Texas or New Orleans slave market, and whom both interest and humanity forbid their turning into the woods to starve, (for the negro turned loose in the woods of North America, cannot live like the freed slave of Jamaica, or Domingo, on the fruits of trees, or like the barbarians of Africa, but must either perish of famine or live like the aborigines, by hunting, being destitute both of the energy and the capital of the Western white emigrants,) those impoverished planters must look with the greatest eagerness and anxiety to the least shadow of a plan for bettering their own condition and finding a new employment for their laborers. It is, therefore, not at all remarkable, that numbers of them cast their vote at the late election in favor | classes, and by those who are concerte. of a policy calculated to provide a market banking, and in the larger operations for the produce of their farms. A policy trade. which, though it may for a few years add somewhat to the personal expenses of the masters, in the matter of a few dollars more for a fine broadcloth coat or a pair of French boots, must increase the value of their lands to an amount an hundred times exceeding such trivial losses, and what is of equal moment to their minds, provide means of education and employment for their slaves and children: the first of whom they are now driven to sell, and the second to colonize in the barbarous regions of New Mexico and Texas. The governing power of the Empire had been pretty equally divided between the North and the South. Since the adoption, however, of the usurping policy so much in vogue with many southern legislators for the last twenty years, that respect and confidence so freely given to the counsels of the South by their northern brethren, has been in large part withheld. Only those legislators of the South who have shown a knowledge not only of the true interests of the country, but of their own interests; and who have set their faces against plans of disunion, of conquest, and of the extension of institutions which already encumber and impoverish them, have retained the confidence of the people, and have kept that high and honorable position which they held as the successors of Jefferson, of Madison, and of Washington. That the influence of these liberal and powerful minds should have been thrown into the scale in support of the present candidate was indeed to be expected. They did not inquire whether he would, or would not, assist in extending the institution of slavery; all they asked from him, was a pledge that he would not interfere with the will of Congress and the people. That pledge he gave, and he received in their cordial support. In this enumeration of the causes of the success of the Whigs, at the late election, we have shown by what considerations so many of the planters and agriculturists of the older States were induced to give the Whig candidate their support. We have yet to extend the enumeration over the votes given by the commercial consequence First, then, for the reasons of the s port given to the Whig candidate by th commercial classes. The inland ecz merce of the country by roads, railmak and canals, which gives subsistence to numbers of boatmen, mechanics, and wer sons engaged in employments coune with trade and transportation, depends great measure for its life and importer upon the larger commerce of the northern lakes, the southern and we rivers, and the ports of the sea-coast. F the protection and encouragement of -* time commerce, the government expe annually a vast sum, exceeding eight ions of dollars; and in time of war hesitate to spend an hundred milli needed, in a naval armament. The bors of the ports of entry where ships gregate, are protected by costly fr tions, in which a standing army is tained in time of peace. All th is incurred for the protection of an i branch of commerce; for it is well k that the trade of the great las rivers already exceeds in importare. must soon be of ten times the tude of the maritime trade. Ari such are the odd and ridiculous preof the Dynasty, that while they w spend millions on their maritimmerce, they grudge a dollar town??of lakes and rivers; on which, mut than upon that of the sea, the prosperity and wealth of the c is dependent. This unaccountable parsimony of nasty, is also set off in fine relef freedom with which they voted penditure on the war with Mexica pretence and sole excuse for the was to increase the wealth of the but so far from increasing it, r be half a century at least before i have paid, if it ever pays, of its acquisition. But when derstood that an hundred m pended upon harbors and m the benefit of western, nort!southern commerce, would inevit three times its own value to the of the country, and that too m years, the contrast between the ons and the practice of the Dynasty | ecomes not only absurd, but even luicrous, if we did not seem to see, at e bottom of it all, jealousies and hatreds e most dark and bitter, and a black amtion at work that would sacrifice the elfare of the people to gratify its aspi tions. No wonder, therefore, that the comercial classes voted in great numbers r a candidate who goes into office edged not to interfere with the acon of Congress, if that body think just and proper that the commerce the interior should receive at least equal rotection with maritime commerce. The representatives of the people passed bill for the protection of the River d Lake commerce. By the provisions of is bill a moderate expenditure was alved for the creation of harbors on e great lakes, for the protection of at commerce in corn, pork, and othcommodities by which the farmers the West are supplied with money 1 manufactures from the East. The Iministration vetoed this bill, though was proved by the best evidence that its ssage would be the means of perhaps bling the trade between the East and est. The reasons given for its extinca were grounded upon a general oppoon to the entire scheme of internal imvements: agreeably to that misanopical philosphy which was adopted by Dynasty, after the results of their great eriment with the government funds in time of their founder. They had conled from that experiment that govnent should never again extend aid in shape to the people. And now they ught that if the farmers of Wisconsin re to have harbors built for their proe upon the lake shores of New York, , those farmers might build these bors themselves: and then, if it was vered that they were poor men, had no money, they would if they said anything, that that was e of their business; that it was no busiof government to be looking after the rs of the country. That the duty of overnment of a great Empire under eat and stern Dynasty, was to be ing to the affairs of its neighbors; ping up bits, corners, and angles of territory, here and there, on this side and on that; so as to make the empire of a pleasant shape, to look pleasant on a map of the world. This was the substance of all they could say in reply to those who inquired of them the reason why the Administration refused the farmers of the West the privilege of a harbor for their produce on the shores of Lake Ontario. They gave the same answer to those of them whose position obliged them to send their corn by the great rivers of the West; in which a vast quantity is annually sunk and ruined by snags and other obstructions, to the great loss of those who engage in the transportation of goods. They would not be meddling in the matter, they said: it was the business of a great empire to be making glorious wars, and sending armies into the field; and not to be debasing itself with this miserable log sawyer's job, to fill the pockets of a set of corn-growers and sugar-planters. If they wanted a port or a river conquered from Mexico or from England, on the other edge of the continent, they had no objections, but would send a troop forthwith, armed with rifles to secure it; but as for sending an army of Irish laborers, armed with saws, spades, and pickaxes, to remove logs and sandbars from rivers, or to dig out harbors, and pile breakwaters on the lakes, they thought it not only a dirty, ungentlemanly business, unworthy the ambition of a glorious Administration, but they had great suspicions it might be unconstitutional. These arguments, put forth, indeed, in a language and style of great dignity, which we dare not attempt to imitate, were all that could be offered against the River and Harbor bill. When the great doctrine of our philosophers,-that the government of a country must never meddle with the affairs of that country, but only with the affairs of its neighbors; that it must not attempt either to educate, enrich, or protect its own citizens, but must freely engage in subduing, civilizing, protecting and enriching the citizens of neighboring nations, when this doctrine first appeared, the more sensible part of our citizens paid very little heed to it; for it was not given out in a single, distinct proposition as above, but in disjointed parts and fragments, in the speeches of the orators of the Dynasty; wherein, of all other places, | chance, and was a government to be it would be least likely to be seen by a boosting them with tariffs? That if reading and reflecting public. It had protective tariffs should be granted for been felt, but had not been clearly rea few years, the country would be marked, that ever since that beneficent act deluged with all sorts of cheap miof the Hero, the giving of the public factures, and our intercourse with Emoney to the banks, the stoical philos- land very much diminished. That there ophy had been adopted as a system; would be an injurious abundance of and that a great and stern Administra- wealth, which would lead to vice and idletion should never trust the people in ness. That Democratic institutions fourany particular, or extend aid to them ished best when difficulties were created in their affairs, began not only to seem for the virtue of the people to contend philosophically reasonable, in the private with, the strife against depressing circum thoughts of the hangers-on, and organ- stances being a fine whet to the edge grinders, and wire-movers of the govern- private virtue. Other considerations wer ment, but was in very truth the practical offered, as, that if the power of ar maxim of the Administration; that it manufacturing people were suffered guided them to the opinion that Con- grow to too great a height on this side gress ought to have as little regard paid to the water, there might be danger of d it as possible, and should be snubbed and turbing the balance of power in Europ diminished of its authority on all occa- the detriment of England, a matter w sions; for, being a kind of real presence of the Imperial Administration has greater the people set up under the nose of heart. That as the trade in English st the executive, it was constantly infected this country was almost entirely in with the feelings, prejudices and interests hands of English houses, who send of the populace, whom it behooved an im- goods through commission houses to perial administration to govern and not to the risk and profit themselves, it won serve. That the interests of the farming tray a petty jealousy of them, to ser and cotton-planting population were as lit- interests of a million of mere laborezs tle to be regarded; for if government mob of mechanics, against these great should listen to every suggestion of inter- italists. But this revulsion of feeling est that came to it, it would have its hands the people carried the Dynasty st full indeed, and at last be turned into a ther, and led them to condemn and mere agent of the people, in derogation of the whole system of credit, by which its high dignity as a conquering Power. poorer classes who have no money That a corrupt, grasping, avaricious set of abled to get occupation, and carry merchants and dealers, should look to terprises which would never hv their own affairs, and by no means pre- thought of in another country. tend to solicit aid from a government oc- working of this system is very in cupied in preserving the balance of the ing and remarkable, it will not, ph world, a task arduous indeed, since that it esteemed a loss of time to sprd a alone on this side of the world having sentences in explanation of it, aral to any power or resources, it must rival in its in how odious a light it must appe enterprises all those of Europe put together, stern and philosophie Administrati and weigh down its side of the globe with conquests and acquisitions unimaginably extended. That it was quite idle for the people of the United States to be engaging in manufactures; the superior industry and ingenuity of England being already well occupied in that, and it was unphilosophical to have more than one great manufacturing people. If the farmers and planters of the Atlantic States cannot compete with the West, that is all in the se of nature; they had an equal It will always happen that som J pay me for keeping my surplus gold 1 silver locked up in a chest, but they I pay me for the use of it, as they would the use of a horse, or a plough, if I 1 lend it to them and suffer it to go from ad to hand in the market. Money was ed by the government for circula, just as a plough was made for ughing. n order, therefore, that the hoarded ney of individuals may pass into circuon, depositories of it, called banks, are ituted, into which the hoards of individs are poured, either as temporary deits which they draw upon as they need, s permanent deposits in the shape stock, for which they are to be paid the community;—and in the following ner: A farmer, let us say, has a piece of , but has no funds to buy seed corn , or to purchase stock, or build a house. corn and stock dealer is a poor man, cannot wait until harvest to take his rest, or usance, and he does not care be paid in corn, or in chickens. The her, therefore, goes to a neighbor and him to endorse a note for him, to be after the harvest. But the corn dealoes not want a note; he wants curren-money; the note is a private affair, is of no use to him. He therefore puts >wn name on the back of the note and to the bank with it; and the bank 3 him the useless money that has been sited there by the community at large put in circulation. The bank knows harvest time must come, or at least the endorsers are in good business, will pay, barring extraordinary acciIn exchange; therefore, for this note ich the community know nothing, and h is too large for currency, the bank a number of notes of its own, conntly small, in which the communive entire confidence, and which they use as money; the bank guaranteee payment in gold and silver if it is d, being paid for this guarantee and ouble, a certain increase, usance or -t, just as the lender of seed corn I be paid out of the increase of the he lent. Thus it appears that a has two offices-first, to collect the ed gold and silver of the commund keep it ready for circulation like a reservoir, for every man's use; and second, to convert the private credit of one man to another into a currency for the community at large; in short, to convert a private inconvenience into a public benefit. By this system of banks a kind of community of goods is established; the hoards of individuals are gleaned up and poured back into the markets, and the ends for which government coins specie are carried out to a degree almost of perfection. Moreover, by this system the surplus profits of every man are made serviceable to his neighbor, and the poor, but industrious and honest citizen is placed on an almost equal footing with the rich capitalist who has his chests full of gold and silver. To this system alone may be attributed that wonderful equalization of means and resources which has covered our continent with independent citizens, which has cleared millions of acres of forest, which has made rivers like highways, which has employed the labor of the famishing emigrants of Europe, which has swelled the population of this country from two to twenty-one millions in a century, which has increased our wealth until it now exceeds by two hundred millions annually the united wealth of Great Britain and Ireland. A philosophical Administration are, nevertheless, violently opposed to this credit system; they see great evils in its abuse. They know that the abuses of the banking system are very injurious to the country. They know this from the most direful experience, having tried their own hand at lending the government funds without adequate security. Ths experience, chiming in with their philosophical views of human nature in general, have set them against banks, and in general against all the means adopted by men of business for keeping up a circulation of gold and silver in the smaller channels of business. Though they continue every year to coin gold and silver in small round pieces at a great cost, they take care to keep it together in large masses and to lock it up from individuals. To prevent a too free and rapid circulation of specie, they take care not to fall in with the system of credit in any shape. "Perish credit," they cry, while they pro |