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of the gradual development of mankind, and contemplate the race in all its stages of improvement, the same advantages, modified by the peculiar circumstances of each condition, will be perceived to present themselves to the consideration of humanity under every conceivable phase of Progress. It would be pleasant to trace the history of the species through the various gradations, and thus to demonstrate the necessity of property, and the desirableness of accumulated products; but we must decline entering upon the subject at present, owing to a want of time and the pressure of conflicting engagements.


O happy month! O month of all the year
The most auspicious. Now I'm certain sure
Whatever I may do or what endure,
This month, will turn out well. I need not fear
The pangs of love despised, the law's delay,
The insolence of office and the spurns
That patient merit takes. Coughs, colds, or
Heartaches or fevers, need not me dismay,
Nor all the natural shocks that flesh inherits.
I may both happier, wiser, richer grow^
I cannot tell. This much I only know—
Success, at last, will crown my modest merits.
For why? I saw—I am not two days older
Since then—the new moon over my right

Paring the nails of the left hand on Fridays is said to be a certain preventive of the toothache ; of this, however, the writer is not fully convinced, never having been able to satisfy himself with regard to the nature of the connection between an isolated act performed at a particular time, and the dental nerves of sensation. But that the omen here alluded to is to be relied upon, repeated personal observation leaves no shadow of doubt; though to the inexperienced it will probably appear mere moonshine. Wordsworth, the poet, has somewhere observed that for his part he would rather be " a pagan suckled in a creed outworn" (that, if the writer's memory serve, is the expression) than to be incapable of fancying the existence of supernatual influences.


When storms have raged like spirits wild with wrath, And weary hours the dismal rain hath poured,

The tall trees waved their arms, the ocas roared, Then, suddenly, the sun, from his bright path, Lifts high the cloudy veil and stoops to kiss The earth's cold cheek, whereat she wise

and smiles; And quick succeeding blushes glanaLf miles O'er fields and dropping woods, reveal her biiii So, when, in our life's briefly passing day, Dark clouds of care o'erhang the nan;

noonHiding the radiant sky above—how soon The sun of Hope can scatter them away, And cheer the soul with heavenly pictures ras Of joys beyond us, castles in the air.

In this sonnet the picture presented v the eye resembles that in the one commer: ing "The noonday shower, <fec. ;" but this has reference to a longer succession of Bepleasant weather, and its final breaking up, not as seen in the confined streets of a ciry, but over a wide extent of surface, in e agricultual district. The comparison ■:' the warm bursts of sunshine to blush* betokens a spirit not insensible to one d the most attractive charms of the Fair &i

One would hardly expect to find sack delicacy of perception conjoined with i taste so gross and homely as is indics'-fJ by the following:—


Fried onions! Astor Place! Delightful whifThough unexpected, grateful yet no less To me the perfume of that sa^ry mesa.

Which, when I smell, I almost question if

I'm not translated. No Arabian gale Whose spicy odors make old ocean smile. Did ever so the weary hearts beguile

Of marineres who Indiaward do sail,

Beyond the Cape of Hope, as that does mine For still its faintest breath recalls to me The story of the Cid Benengeli—

Thy health, Sir Knight; bold Sancbo Parm. thine—

I seem to taste the antique flavored wine,

And, in imagination, with ye diue.

From this it would appear that the fr* grance of the article of diet of which motion is made had been detected at tfc Italian opera. If so, it probably cara from the stage or the orchestra, and was in reality occasioned by garlic, a seasoning which the medium classes of the Euro pean continent are much in the habit o. using.

The writer must confess to a slight disregard of the unities, in transporting the reader from place to place and city to city. The opera house is in New York; but Long wharf, which is now to be addressed, is in Boston—quite a difference in distance as well as in quality.


Long wharf, lis pleasant on clear bracing days, When winds are light, and sky all cloudless

fair, Along thy sunny side to breathe the air, Threading one's way amidst a crowded maze Of busy men, and idly resting shipping— Of barrels, bales, and boxes, Russia ducks, Chain cables, anchors, horses, heavy trucks, And truckmen truculent. Perchance now dipping With wistful heed, and seeming unaware, A tiny straw in huge molasses cask, And walking quick away, lest one might ask, "Hallo, my friend; who said you might go

there?" O how much more doth sweetness sweeter seem When Btol'n—light more light in sudden gleam!

With this, which will remind many, by reason of a similarity in the last couplet, of one of Shakspeare's sonnets, the writer -will for the present conclude. How far his feeble efforts may have been successful in supplying the desideratum which has Lsng been severely felt by our youthful poets, he leaves to the unbiassed judgment of a discriminating public. Should he however be found to have contributed to the rational enjoyment of his readers, it is not impossible but that he may be encouraged to further efforts hereafter. Under this half promise he now takes leave, feeling that the less is said on the subject the better. For what observes the learned Don Adriano de Armado ?—

"The words of Mercury are harsh after the songs of Apollo. You,that way; we, this way."

G. W. P.


Having been waited on, since the conclusion of the foregoing, by a diabolical messenger from the superintendent of the typographical department of this periodical, requesting the immediate furnishing of an amount of similar material sufficient to occupy the remaining space on the present page, the writer finds himself constrained to subjoin the following very pathetic ballad. Lest it should prove too affecting for his fair readers, he will^nform them that the incident described is purely imaginary, and without the slightest foundation in actual fact. The youth, whose fate is here recorded, left no afflicted relatives to mourn his untimely decease. Still, his case is not an impossible one, and the well regulated mind, in considering the circumstances, may derive an instructive lesson from his example. In all stations of life, how necessary to security is constant circumspection!


A lad stood on a ladder tall,

A painting of a sign— A new short sign; and 'Lang Syne Auld'

He whistled: the sun did shine.

And tune or sun moved snow on roof,

Unused to melting mood;
It slid and peeped o'er eaves above,

Eaves-dropping where he stood.

He, gazing down on Miss beneath,
Dreamed not mischance was near,

But held his bucket in his hand,
And brushed a silent T R.

He was a painter's 'prentice boy,

I need not print his name;
He came of high descent indeed,

But now 'tis all the same.

For ah! the snow, too soon it fell,

As if with fell design; He kicked the bucket, down he dropped;

He died and made no sign!


There is much information to be derived from M. Louis Blanc's work. It is not, as its name would seem to import, a History, for there is not even an attempt at impartiality. The reader will not have perused many pages, without finding a necessity of exercising the utmost caution, even as to facts; while there is no mistaking the conclusions and observations being those of a reckless and unscrupulous partisan. It is evident his principal object in writing was not to portray past events, but to stimulate the discontent existing in France at the time of its publication, and to impart strength and confidence to the republican party, which was then increasing, and being matured into a regularly and systematically organized movement. Nevertheless, at the present moment, the work is valuable, for the facts it embodies, and the light which it reflects on the conduct and objects of the French republicans; and the position lately occupied by M. Blanc in the Provisional Government, as well as his close political connection with, at least, one^ member of the Executive Committee appointed by the present National Assembly, give an authority to his statements bearing on the late revolution, which induces us to quote somewhat largely from his work.

It is true that recent events appear to have separated him from the party now in power, and that he is at present looked upon as one of the leaders of a proscribed section of the republican body; but we are inclined to believe this has arisen more from the mode he seemed disposed to adopt for the enforcement of his views, and possibly from the extent to which he desired to urge them, than from any real opposition to their principles and tendency; for from the fact of his having been for several years an influential and leading member of that party, and more particular

ly from his writings, his views on social questions, at the time he was placed at the head of the commission for the "organization of labor," must have been well known to his colleagues in the government, and to the whole community of France.

The late revolution took the world by surprise, only as to the time of its occurrence. Louis Philippe had been for some time engaged in a political conflict of more than ordinary violence; but the tact and sagacity he had displayed on preiaous occasions, and under similar circumstances. induced a belief that he would have maintained his position by some exertion of power, or, by concession, have devised means to evade the pressure, trusting to future efforts to recover the ground lost to his authority. Such was the personal skill in the art of governing, for which he had acquired credit, that France was considered safe from revolution during his life; but the opinion has long prevailed, that the throne of the barricades was limited to that period. Independent of the arm. difficulties with which it was surrounded at the outset, it lacked the prestige which results from historical recollections, and by which alone the sentiment of true loyalty is engendered and nurtured; for whether it be a Republican Constitution or a Mon archy, or any other form of government. that which is the offspring of to-day iray be the victim of to-morrow, without exciting the feelings of pain and regret which attend the rupture of old and cherished associations.

That a revolution of only three dap" duration sufficed to place Louis Philippe on the throne, was no proof of the unanimity of the French nation; nor was tb* state of parties at his accession such as U warrant a belief in the stability of ho government. He was indebted for elevation to the trading and middle i


which comprised men of all political parties, to whose prosperity internal tranquillity is indispensable, from whose pockets arc principally extracted the expenses of war, and to whom revolution is almost certain ruin. Their selection appears to Lave been influenced by the necessity they felt in providing a government for France, before its internal tranquillity and prosperity had been sacrificed by an interregnum, or its borders menaced with foreign invasion, rather than by any personal regard for their new sovereign. It was in fact a political bargain: the French nation agreed to take him as a King, with powers limited by a Charter, and he accepted the throne on those terms; but to a large portion of the people the arrangement was unsatisfactory.

The establishment of a republic was not then practicable. Scarcely fifteen years had elapsed since the fall of the despotism which raised itself on the ruins of the former republic; the remembrance of former sufferings was not sufficiently effaced to prevent a dread of their recurrence; a state of unnatural exertion had been succeeded by repose; new interests bad arisen from a continuance of peace, »nd political strife had not then a sufScient degree of intensity to organize a party powerful enough to effect a change n the form of government. The new dylasty was installed with but little opposition: the only real difficulty arose from he republicans, who, although violent and :nthusiastic, were not sufficiently numerous o render themselves formidable, and were ictually powerless for want of organization.

"Assembled at the house of one Lointier, the wtaurateur, they deliberated with arms in their lands. Political science, knowledge of busiiess, position, reputation, great fortunes—all hese things they wanted; this was their weakiess, but it was also their strength. Inasmuch -•> they could brave everything, they could oblin everything. Their convictions were inractable, because men must have studied much, nd have much political experience, to arrive at oubt; they felt the less hesitation, as they »k but little account of obstacles, and preared as they were for death, they were therey prepared for command."

This is M. Blanc's account of fhe reiublicans of 1830, and the paradoxical assrtions and inconclusive results plainly

point out the object and purpose of his work. Their demands were embodied in a proclamation of which the following is the substance :—

"That the State religion should be abolished; that a President should be substituted for a King; that universal suffrage in one degree, or in two degrees, should be established. This was the whole extent of the changes then contemplated by the most daring innovators." "This proclamation fixes very precisely the limit at which the most adventurous spirits stopped in 1830, excepting, however, some few disciples of St. Simon."

The latter at this period were contemptible in point of numbers, and the whole might have been comfortably lodged in a moderate-sized Penitentiary or Lunatic Asylum; for it was not until a later period that they mustered in sufficient force to form a society under p'ere Enfantin, which was soon broken up on his being consigned to jail as a licentious impostor. Even the more dangerous, because more speciously disguised, theories of Fourier, and the Socialists, were not then in vogue. The intelligence of 1830 had not arrived at that point.

The demands of the republicans of that day by no means came up to M. Louis Blanc's views, for speaking of them he

"But would society be more happy when the right of morally directing it should have been wrested from the State 1 Would the overthrow of royalty suffice to hinder thenceforth the existence of tyranny in the civil relations between the capitalist and the laborer? Whether was universal suffrage to be proclaimed as a recognition of a metaphysical right, or as a certain means of arriving at a change in the whole system of social order? Such questions were too profound for the times, and more than one tempest was destined to break forth before any one should think of solving them. In 1830, no one even thought of propounding them."

No imperial party existed at that time. "Whilst every one was seeking to realize his wishes or his belief in this party arena, hardly were a few voices heard uttering the name of the Emperor, in a city which had so long echoed to that sound." There remained then the aristocracy. Suspected and jealously watched, they possessed at that moment no power whatever; indeed

they were scarcely looked upon as an integral part of the political system, or consulted on the proposed arrangements. The great body of them were attached by ties of personal regard as well as interest to the fallen dynasty: those whose position was owing to hereditary descent, were naturally averse to a change, the principles of which might be expected to extend, and probably become fatal to their own privileges; and the same feeling would be entertained by others, in whom the pride of recent elevation was gratified by the thought that their honors would be the inheritance of their posterity.

The prevailing party, consisting of men of various shades of political opinion, were not agreed on the principles or details of the constitution to be adopted. Some looked more to the durability and strength of the government, and others to the predominance of their class, views and predilections. These dissensions led the republicans to hope they might be able to make a successful effort, and with this view they endeavored to obtain the concurrence of Lafayette; but they were disappointed, and the projected attempt was given up. A constitution, formed by the Chamber of Deputies, and acceded to by the peerage, was completed early in the month of August, and Louis Philippe exchanged the title pf Lieutenant-general for that of King, and henceforth began his stormy reign.

The state of Europe was at this time critical. A revolution had broken out in the neighboring kingdom of Belgium,, and the French people panted for its " re-annexalion." Our space will not afford a detail sufficiently explanatory of the state of other countries; we will therefore give an extract from M. Louis Blanc, from which sufficient for the present purpose can be gathered, as also the views of the ultra democrats in France, on the subject of foreign policy:—

"Thus, then, to recapitulate. Russia engaged in projects too vast for its resources; Prussia at variance with the Rhenish provinces; Austria threatened by the spirit of liberty in Germany, and by the spirit of independence in Italy; England irresolute, uneasy and impotent; Portugal and Spain, each on the eve of a war of succession; Italy, Belgium and Poland, execrating the treaties of 1815, and ready to

rise at the first signal. Such was the sort? rf Europe when it was startled and dazzled bvtk revolution of July.

"Data like these afforded Frenchmen jts grounds for a boundless ambition, and w power worthy of governing them had evidecLr the means in its hands of governing the voii through them. Events called on them to vsume the patronage of Constantinople, td

five France, with the re-establishment of tk ultan, the means of saving Poland. Theniforms of the French officers glittering on toe summits of the Alps were enough for tie ink pendence of Italy. To the Belgians, Frsif! conld offer, as the price of a fraternal anion, tif substitution of the tri-color flag for the odioc flag of the House of Orange, and her mutes not loss opulent than those of the Dutch colonies. By declaring strongly for Don PeJrc. France would have forced the English to o* tract an execrable alliance with Don Mij*. and would have sapped their dishonored <iminion in Lisbon. It was easy for Franc? it obtain a moral hold over Spain, for all rfie W to do was to set on against two monarchic factions, eager for mutual extinction, the Sobish refugees, invoking the magic remenibm<? of the Cortes of 1820.

"It was assuredly a marvellous cornbinitK of circumstances which made the salvation (J all the oppressed nations depend to such a t gree on the aggrandizement of France! Tb» moral grandeur and the material imjmrtaw * the result, were here blended together; mi >I wish to reassure the Kings of Europe, all ida of fearing them, showed not only egotism. W puerility, pettiness of views, and feebleness i mind."

The reasons which rendered it adrisa!w for France to extend "fraternity," to uVa oppressed nations, and to obtain that srflime height of "moral grandeur," are « pure and disinterested, according to M. Louis Blanc, that we cannot help extracting them:—

"And then nothing was ready in the interior for large reforms and lofty enterprises: it wv therefore necessary to find some outlet ib«« for that exuberance of life which the revolntifl1 had just created in French society. To btfagainst so many unoccupied passions, $■' useful and glorious career opened to them b? destiny, was to force them to expend their clergies in plots and agitations. None but o« of hopeless mediocrity could fail to see thai * shun foreign war at any price, was to prefab the elements for civil war. The sceptre «-' offered to France, and to refuse it might cic* much more than to seize it."

This is the very sublime of cold, self

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