had done to Christianity, by calling to the seminary the body whose members whether with reason or not, were popularly esteened the boldest champions of Catholic doetrine, and the most hateful to radicalism. think, and have found in effect, that when | just indignation at the outrage that Berne men become Jesuits the laws of human nature are not abrogated in their behalf; and that therefore the members of that society continue in character, in intellect, or in learning, some very strong, and others very weak; but the greater part, as with other professional men, of a happy mediocrity; and if some have on occasion unhappily distinguished themselves by volubility of tongue, prominence of foibles, and exaltation of the imagination, we can remember that others have been remarkable for singular modesty, for the winning qualities of a mortified temper, and for the timely reticence that inspires confidence. And therefore, as we are not disposed to generalize what we find of admirable in individuals, so as to apply it to the whole society, reason compels us in like manner to excuse the society from the responsibility of individual imperfections. But in our character as politician and man of the world, when the society of Jesuits is called in question, we judge it as we would the free corps of Berne, or any other society existing in the state. What things, we ask, are laid to their charge? Where is the proof? Are these things punishable? What, and how severe, is the punishment they merit? And on these principles we feel bound to condemn or to defend them with the whole power of the state. The cantonal government of Lucerne was of opinion that good policy dictated the calling of the Jesuits to take charge of their theological seminary. It has seemed to us that the following were their motives: The radicals were determined to despise the federal constitution, and the sovereignty of the cantons; they were equally determined, as the event has proved, and as was clear from the first, to overthrow religion both Catholic and Protestant, in favor of the wildest rationalism. To this end the radicals, forthwith on accomplishing the substitution of their new constitution in Berne, called out of Germany, to preside in their theological seminary, Strauss, who had made himself so famous by the boldness of his attack on the historical truth of the New Testament. We can then sympathize with the course that Lucerne took, at once to vindicate the rights of nal sovereignty, and to express a Meantime, the old question of the suppression of the monasteries by Argos. after being discussed from session to ses sion of the diet, without result, was final eliminated from its further discussions r 1843. The plea was, the necessity of avo ing whatever should seem in the least i interfere with the sovereign independen"! of each canton, and the vague promise given by Argow, that justice should b done. This permission of the confiscat of church property was a plain violation d the pact. Of the twenty-two cantos twelve voted for its elimination, and sever against it; the remaining three were d ded, and therefore lost. The seven canta who insisted on the diet carrying out is former resolution, and forcing Argow restore the monasteries, hereupon felt the the confederation ceased to afford th the protection to which they had a rig and, without delay, they formed betw themselves an alliance simply defers!"] and hypothecated on the event of furt encroachments on the part of the rad cantons. This alliance is what has sa been known as the Sonderbund. This particular alliance in no wise offringed on the rights of the general et federation; for in the first place, it one of the reserved rights of each s eign canton, in case of internal comm or peril, to call in to its aid just whic the other cantons it should choose; ac the second place, this very same kind an alliance had been then many years existence between seven Protestant cani which had leagued together against c movements of the Catholics; and bet four of them, viz. Berne, Solothurn, A gow and Thurgow, the same agre still subsisted till the year 1847, ard thought of suppressing it was never tioned. Yet in the face of all these the same cantons that themselves w engaged in a league against the Ca interests, denounced the Sonderbund treasonable, and in 1846, the diet mainly occupied with the question of forcible suppression. Though the o the Sonderbund was purely political, id extended no further than to the presvation of the constitution, and the indeendence of each canton, so it was that I the seven cantons composing it were the Catholic religion, and this was likely give it a religious complexion. But in e diet, the Protestant canton of Neufatel, from its conservative sympathies, ok the part of the Sonderbund against e radicals. the liberty of Catholic worship,) and it was these same cantons that blushed not to demand the right of arranging the religion and private affairs of their sovereign equals; of prescribing who might and who might not teach in the seminaries of Catholic cantons, and amongst others, of that noble Schwytz, that, foreseeing their Punic faith, in 1815, had desired to decline forming part of the resuscitated league. On the 30th March, 1845, the free corps of Berne, Solothurn, Argow and Country Bale, entered by night the canton of Lucerne, and, joined by the parricides of the latter, attempted to take its capital by surprise. But the generous old Waldstaaten, Schwytz, Uri and Unterwalden, with Zug, the most ancient of their confederates, were on the alert, and warned by watchful sentinels of the gathering storm, they rushed to the defence of their ally. The free corps, though three times the number of the conservatives, did not venture within shot of the walls of Lucerne. They retired in a sort of panic, and no blood was shed. For the rest, the Sonderbund was not rmed sooner than it was needed, for in rsuance of the plan pre-arranged in the cret lodges of Berne, to change, or else erturn, the government of each individual nton, the radicals of Valais in 1844 rose armed rebellion against the lawfully cted government of the canton. The aton asked the aid of its confederates, ich was pledged in such a case by the aty of alliance. But Berne and Vaud t only refused their aid, but openly reatened war against any other canton at should afford it. In this embarrassnt, the canton of Valais, rather than nvulse the confederation, relied on the triotism and courage of the conservative rt of its inhabitants, and, in effect, supessed the rebellious faction. The radi-gow were already with arms in hand ready ls of Lucerne, with the aid of foreign speradoes, made similar attempts on at canton, which the Lucerne governent in like manner put down. But henceforth the outbreak of civil war became certain; on all sides the saddest exhibition of interminable faction became visible. The Catholic towns in Ar to take their part. The Protestant town of Morat, in the canton of Friburg, on the other hand, ranged itself with the radicals. City Bale foolishly refused to vote at all, because its religious sympathies were opposed to its political principles. As we are exceeding our proposed limits, we cannot stop to detail the various steps of ruinous events that followed on this wretch The radicals, who, scattered abroad on sides through Switzerland, had yet the atre of their counsel and of their strength Berne, saw now that it was hopeless to pect the triumph of revolution in the nservative cantons by the unaided strug-ed state interference in religious matters. es of the radical parties resident in those atons. They therefore grew bolder, and aid that they gave to the radical facns in Lucerne and elsewhere was no iger disguised. The radical cantons had herto violated their federal faith by resing aid to put down domestic insurrecn: they now proceeded to violate it, by rectly attacking the cantonal sovereignty Lucerne, Schwytz, Friburg and Valais. velve cantons had voted for eliminating e disputes in Argow, on a pretence of e supreme sovereignty of each canton er all affairs within its own territory, hich pretence was exaggerated and false, cause the federal league had guarantied When the diet met in 1846, the revision of the federal pact, the expulsion of the Jesuits from all the colleges and seminaries of the Catholic cantons, and the dissolution of the Sonderbund, were the questions agitated, but which could not obtain the majority necessary for their determination. For the first of these, indeed, a unanimous vote of all the cantons would have been necessary, since each had entered the league individually. And as to the other questions, we have abundantly seen that any action upon them by the general diet would have been unconstitutional. But the radicals were determined to nccomplish their ends by some means, daa a bare majority of twelve cantonal votes | declared by twelve canons against the would have sufficed them for an excuse. In this diet the canton of St. Gall was equally divided, and so had no vote; before the diet of 1847 had assembled, the radicals had gained the power in this canton. There was then but one canton wanting to give them a majority, and it is instructive to read how it was gained. The aristocratical canton of Geneva was nearly equally divided between Catholics and Protestants; and again these were subdivided into radicals and conservatives. Several years before, the radicals were in power, and the conservative party, which in this canton was nearly coincident with the aristocratic, had regained their influence mainly by the zealous, though unorganized, adhesion of a larger number of the Catholics to their interest. But when this party had once more the reins of government in their hands, they interfered officially with the ecclesiastical appointments of the Catholics, especially in the appointment of their curate in the city of Geneva. The disaffection that this produced in the minds of the Catholics in Geneva towards the government was very great; and therefore when the radicals on the 8th October, 1846, raised the standard of revolt against the council of the canton, though the insurgents were inconsiderable in number, and confined to the faubourg St. Gervaise, the government was yet astonished to find itself without support, and was forced to abdicate. The next day the organ of the Catholics, after bitterly recounting the interferences of the late council with church matters, concluded by expressing an entire sympathy with any new state of affairs whatever, which would only establish liberty in religious matters. This sufficiently indicated the cause of the disaffection, and while we cannot esteem it a large-minded, or a wise policy, in such a position of the Swiss confederation, we must yet acknowledge that it was a result to be naturally expected. However, it threw Geneva into the hands of the radicals; and so by this passiveness of the Genevese Catholics, the radicals, in the diet of 1847, gained their long-sought majority of twelve cantons out of the twenty-two, for the forcible suppression of the Sonderbunnd. The result is well known. Last year, a short and stormy session, war was seven of the Sonderbund, and the representatives of the latter withdrew from the diet, after pronouncing a long and very able manifesto, in which, after summing up their historical argument, they conclude: "The governments of the twelve states of Berne, Zurich, Glaris, Solothurn, Shaffhausen, St. Gall, the Grisons, Argow, Thurgow, Tessino, Vaud, and Geneva, have drawn the sword for an unjust war. The governments and inhabitants of the states of Lucerne, Uri, Schwytz, Unterwalden, Zug, Friburg, and the Valais, will draw theirs in their legitimate defence. A sacred oath unites you to us-you, confederates of the states whose authorities lead you to a sanguinary war against us; you are sworn, as well as we, to faithfully and constantly maintain the confederated alliance, and to sa rifice for it, if necessary, your lives and your property. "But your authorities tear up the alliance and make war upon the confederates and the founders of the confederation. You are caled upon to shed your blood to execute their de cree against the confederation. You are called upon to sacrifice your property to despoil that of your faithful confederates. You have takr with us a sacred oath to contribute to the proe perity of our common country, and to protects against all calamity; yet your authorities plunging the country into civil war, not to pr mote its prosperity, but to execute their decree against confederates. They are precipitatire the confederation, which is the admiration of a.. nations, into the abyss where it must meet wi destruction, and instead of watching over th prosperity of each particular state, they de to destroy the liberty and sovereignty of seven cantons. You have sworn to live w us as brothers in good and in bad fortu Have we not always kept our oath? Ha we not always rejoiced when you were hape Have we not always shared your misforta Have we ever shackled your independence a your rights? Your authorities, however, the midst of peace, have destroyed our Cath institutions, and it was from your territory ta came the attacks of the free corps against of our cantons, which they plunged in dists ( Your authorities have kept up these bands, wish now by civil war to carry out to the est point the offences of which they were g You have sworn, as well as we, to do al honor and duty impose on faithful confeders Mention to us a duty which we have not he filled towards you. Your authorities substra arbitrary commands for the duties they own v they support traitors and assassins; they no protection to our innocent fellow-car destroy our commerce, carry off our proper invest our frontiers, and declare war agai As was anticipated, the first attack of the free corps and their auxiliaries was directed upon Friburg, which was isolated from its allies, and exposed in its situation. The number of the radical troops was over 30,000 men; the army of Friburg, including boys of fourteen years, who bore the fatigues of the campaign with the valor of men, did not exceed the third of the number; yet, singular to say, the opinion among the private soldiers on each side was the same, namely, that the invaders would be defeated. The Friburgers united the impetuosity of religious enthusiasm to the obedient discipline of German coolness. Whilst preparing for the attack, after laborng all day long in a cold rain in throwing ip redoubts, when the different companies ad returned to their quarters, they did not ie down for the repose of the night, till ld and young, with their officers as leaders f their devotions, had with many prayers voked the blessings and protection of od on themselves and on their country. he superior of a religious community in riburg happening to behold a company them so engaged, assembled the memers of his convent and took them to the >ot, to learn there a lesson of fortitude and ith. And when, at length, the enemy ere in sight, and the moment of combat minent, their martial music, which was tuned to religious hymns, in which the tire army joined, would cease, only to e place to shouts of joyful defiance, and bounded confidence. On the side of the invaders, according their own after-account, the case was ›cisely contrary. One would say: It is vain to attack Friburg, every man of m is anxious to die in its defence. And other would answer: The Friburgers e right on their side; we ought not to ck them nor to succeed. And many ressed their firm resolution of firing r the heads of their Friburg brethren. It is therefore not strange that as they approached the town, the whole army was panic-struck and looked on a defeat as certain. How then came the result to be so different? Since commencing this article, we have found opportunity to converse with an Italian gentleman, who happened to be in Friburg during the whole affair; and his report fully confirms the idea that we had already formed, and which was openly advanced in l'Universe, l'Union Monarchique, and some other papers. It is impossible to doubt that the Friburgers were betrayed, and the past history of Maillardoz, who on account of his superior rank was put at the head of their army, gives full reason for believing that he was the wretched traitor. No amount of cowardice seems capable of otherwise explaining his conduct. The officers next in command desired to have met the invaders on the confines of the canton, and were sure of chasing them at all points. He kept them in inaction around the walls of the city. The dispositions that he made relatively to the defence of the outworks, show that he was in communication with the enemy, and meant them to take these by surprise. And the brilliant action which prevented this, by the valor of the merest handful of Friburgers, was commenced by a private soldier, contrary to his orders, firing a piece of artillery from one of the redoubts on the advancing column of the enemy, because common sense told the man that treason alone could permit them to march thus into their encampment unopposed. And when Maillardoz came from his quarters at the sound of the skirmish, his first order was to withdraw his troops from following up an advantage, which would otherwise have put to the rout the whole body of the invaders. Persons in the radical ranks afterwards told our informant that the slightest show of resistance would have checked and defeated them, for that they had no confidence in their cause or in their men. But Maillardoz sent to them demanding a truce, and to treat of a capitulation. He then summoned a council of war, declared his despair of resistance, and resigned his commission. There were others, either corrupted or weak-minded, who were struck with alarm. Discord appeared in the council; they had no leader, and so they fell without resistance. When the troops of Friburg saw themselves thus betrayed, their mortification was intense. Some of them refused to lay down their arms; others broke their guns to pieces and tore off their military dress, as a disgraced badge. The fall of Friburg inexplicably dismayed the other cantons of the Sonderbund. The radicals marched unopposed into them, one after another; and in each one, they have outlawed those who have been engaged in the defence of cantonal sovereignty, that is, the inhabitants proper of these cantons; they have constituted the army of radical occupation as the recognized voters, and proceeding thus from one canton to another, they have forced a new government on nearly all of the conservatives. Such has been Swiss liberalism! Such has been its radical reform! The horrors it has committed against religion and humanity are fresh in the minds of all. Our intention has been to give not a narration of these, but a view of the principles and party from which they have sprung: that they are not accidental excesses, but the substantial reforms of the progressive democracy of Switzerland. And we cannot close without again respectfully commending a deep study of the entire history of Switzerland to republican statesmen and politicians. Too little attention has been paid to it in our country, and indeed, to the extent of our own knowledge, no able and true history of it has anywhere been written. The view we have taken, we are persuaded, will commend itself the most to men who are best acquainted with the subject; and if it tend to fix in any minds a deeper conviction that liberty is never lawlessness, and change never progress, nor always its necessary antecedent, we shall be contented with our task. As respects Switzerland herself, we have the profoundest conviction that the days of her glory are not all passed. By refugees from the radical despotism that oppresses her we have heard of her desolation and her tears. But we have heard also of the heroic fortitude by which she despairs not of a regeneration. We have heard that now, as before the conflict, her people, whether gathered before their altars, or uniting around their humble hearths, pray with hearts greater than their grief, to the God of their fathers. We know that people who pray never despair, and moreover, we believe as they do, that there is a God who hears them, and who will yet vindicate his justice. Switzerland, which afforded the brightest example of liberty, by preserving always her original constitution, while during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, all around her, France, Germany and Northern Italy, suffered theirs to be swallowed up in monarchical despotism, will not now be lost. Before radical fury had desecrated the hospitable valley of Einsiedlen, a traveller stopped one day at "Our Lady of Hermits." The heat of summer was now passed, and the richness of the fields was already touched by the finger of the decaying year. An Alpine mist was settling over all the valley. The next day the tra eller walked hither and thither among the granges, and saw in the landscape nothing but obscure and watery clouds. But on the third day, as he walked on the top of a neighboring hill, the sun came forth above, and favorable winds assisted to dispel the cloudy vapors, and as he rested there for a little while, the vision of the valley became clear. And as far as his eye could reach flocks were peacefully feeding on the sides of the mountains, and rich orchards dropping with mellow fra spread continuously through all the va ley. And the traveller noticed that mist had refreshed the valley, though ravages of the year and the autumn spa were still visible. Einsiedlen is given to the spoiler, the peaceful cloisters that gave the trave ler welcome are now the haunt of robber and the debauchee. But the clouds of moral darkness cannot long upon Switzerland. They may leave m ful memories and ruined glories behi them, but at the same time the pass life that still remain will be quickened, the assoilments of their political ways in other days, will be washed away. NOTE. For such facts made use of in the a as are of later date than the French Revolim, can refer our readers only to the newspages political periodicals of the last thirty year facts of an earlier date are stated, we believe Switzerland. In the above sketch, howe or more clearly in most of the professed his have not made use of these, except very tally, and therefore we cannot refer to them ticular-it has been our fortune to have ac more living sources. |