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surrounded by cantons of a totally ite character.

, the jacobins, by the restoration of order, were thrown out of the high ; to which French influence had them. With the return of freedom majority of the people, all who had :he partisans of the revolutionary asion, or of the republic one and indimsell into disgrace. But to them the iry of their former power was sweet, his sweetness was communicated to irm of government that had afforded them. Forthwith those pests of order, as of religious faith, the secret :al clubs, were formed and ripened, of these bore names the most inoffena appearance, but all were in connecrith one another, and all working tos one end. The same kind of socieit this time were continuing, in the rchical countries of Europe, the proion of the wild notions of the French titionary school, and the conservative ■ of the time contain frequent referto their dangerous proceedings. With these, sympathy of aim brought the of Switzerland into intelligence. The I of these societies were the freeers, from whom at length the free< grew out. In their secret meetings called themselves the godly marksmen, liche shiitzen,) and gave themselves nission of bearing a gospel of radicalby means of their carabines, to the ;hted people of all Europe. Thus lottings of these secret political lodges, being aimed solely at the subversion e Swiss constitution, and the enslaving ac independent cantons, growing to ! formidable proportions, proposed at th a propagandism of destruction to he nations of Europe; and the Swiss bles assumed the form, as we said in outset of this essay, of an European lion. Indeed, supposing that national i and the sacredness of solemn treaties ! terms that retained any meaning in ern diplomacy, it was clear to the B radicals from the first, that in attackhe integrity of the conservative cantons, : were throwing a defiance in the face '11 Europe. To prepare for the effects this, they pushed the ramifications of if secret organizations into all the ntries of the European alliance; and

how far their influence has penetrated into the very courts of kings, and into the ministerial cabinets of the great monarchies, can be conjectured only by the most deeply implicated of their own managers, and perhaps by the Catholic priests, who, bound beforehand by their official vows to an eternal silence, are from time to time called to visit such on their death-beads.*

At length the commotions of 1830 enabled these secret lodges to put forth and urge their proposition of abolishing the cantonal constitutions in favor of the old unitary scheme. But so deep was the attachment of the people in the much greater part of the cantons for their national government, and so utter, their abhorrence of the centralizing demagogism, that the radicals found it necessary to change their tactics. They resolved first to produce revolutions in the governments of each conservative canton, the object of which was to place their own friends at the head of all the particular cantons.

Having now done as much as they were able in this way, and having drawn into Switzerland all the bad men, the political and moral bankrupts of France, Germany and Italy, as far as they could, they proceeded at length to propose in the diet of the confederation a revision of the national pact, beginning with its first article.

It was this first article that most expressly acknowledged the inviolable sovereignty of each canton, and limited the objects of the pact to defending the cantons from foreign aggression, and from efforts at home to interfere with the cantonal independence. Again, however, the diet rejected the proposition, amii the declaration of the conservative cantons that such a change would, ipso facto, dissolve the league, and that they would

* The unmitigated horror with which the most intelligent and highest of the European clergy, whom we have met, invariably regard these secret societies, was at first the object of our amusement, or, to confess it frankly, of our ignorant derision; but further reflection, and especially further acquaintance with the workings of European radicalism led us to inquire whether the priesthood were not precisely in the position to be possessed of dreadful details, which they were not at liberty to make any use of in the way of proof. The desperate means that the lodges employ to keep their members from intercourse with the priests on their death-beds, must be the subject of familiar anecdote to every one who haa resided in the Catholic kingdoms.

resist the proposed unitary government with their blood.

The radicals then attacked the national charter in another way. Its twelfth article guarantied the inviolability of monasteries, convents, and capitulary foundations of the Catholic Church, throughout all the cantons of the league. In 1840 to 1841, Berne was the vorort,* or directing canton ; and at its instigation the canton of Argow, on a charge of a Catholic conspiracy, directed by the monks of Muri, and which all parties have since acknowledged as a mere fabrication to give a momentary color to their already fixed determination, called in the aid of Berne, and by military force, after bombarding the Catholic villages, took possession of, plundered, and suppressed the ancient abbey of Muri, and all the convents that had sprung from it, and were established in the canton. A special convocation of the diet was instantly demanded by many of the conservative cantons. It assembled in April, 1841, and seventeen of the twenty-two cantons declared the suppression of the monasteries a violation of the charter, and namely of its twelfth article. Thereupon the diet requested Argow to withdraw the steps that had been taken, and restore the convents.

The grand council of Argow, in reply, affected a tone of great moderation. It averred that the diet could not have understood the motives of Argow in the action that canton had taken. It made a friendly (freundnachberlich) request to the confederates to forbear following up the decree of the diet, but professed its readiness to submit, if they should urge its execution. This seeming moderation deceived many who had at first taken sides against Argow. Moreover, it cost nothing, for, as Berne was this year the vorort, it belonged to it to take the initiative in carry

* According to compact the national diet is to assemble yearly and alternately at Berne, Zurich, and Lucerne. Curing the year ensuing, the canton in which the diet has been held is considered lhe vorort, its president and council being the executive. This vorort has no original powers, it is merely to take the lead in executing what the diet has already decreed; nevertheless, persons acquainted with the detail of political intrigue will easily understand that this presidency gives it a great preponderance during the year, and enables it to carry many things into execution that would otherwise be iuiuossible.

ing out the decree of the diet. In pa of doing this, Berne looked on, witk*: remonstrance, at the further acts of creation of property and expulsion of nnak in which Argow engaged when it s»* d storm averted by its smooth words. Withe regular meeting of the annual dittv held, the majority in favor of comf-^ the canton of Argow to retract its r ceedings was not sufficient to carry :t s effect.

It is an unfortunate fact, that th> n principles at issue were not apprehei:generally by the Swiss people at this jture. The premeditated political set:: of the secret societies of Berne were ■ yet thoroughly penetrated, and henc? seemed impossible that some occasksn b not been given by the Catholic parish^, communes, for the extraordinary &£'-■ Argow. Yet Switzerland was not wi:i-J conservative journalists, Protestants is« as Catholics, who insisted that what *1 technically called confessional teparv* i. e. the perfect right of the menib?-> each religion to live free from the bs ference of others in matters of their beS was a principle consecrated in Switztn» not only by the faith of treaties, ba'. the sanction of actual usage. To this was cited the good understanding thx i always existed between the Proterfl cantons Zurich and Berne, and the C»tb< districts of Baden and Freienasmter. ws in 1712 were incorporated into thee spectively, and so continued until I French Revolution. These Protestant .-i ernments had never meddled with I property or religion of their depended! nor yet with their hierarchical am^ ments, though they were subject to a f eign Prelate, the Bishop of Constant

And so the Protestant villages, that fl of old were subject to the pake?-1 of the Bishops of St. Gall and of Ithough at the reformation they had cbiJf their religion, were never interfered » after the new treaty of peace It I bishops who were their sovereigns. Si they permitted to their subjects in ra ters religious, an ultimate appeal m i governments and consistories of the cauM of Zurich and Berne, as esteeming it m onable that they might distrust the impl tiality of a government hostile to m confession, lhe Gazette Federal*, »P* nt hut conservative journal, in a very article that was reproduced in full by Tournal Historique et Litleraire of Liege, s number for October, 1841, after citing arguing on similar facts, remarks it as igular phenomenon " that Protestants g under Catholic governments should s enjoyed such a foreign protection, !e, on the contrary, Catholics under testant governments have never anyre found it." And with still more t, as applying to the affairs of Argow, article concludes with saying that, nee the adherents of the Protestant munion, as no one doubts, would enerjally repulse all intervention of Cathoin their religious concerns, as irrational highly wicked pretensions, must we likewise acknowledge that the interion of Protestants in the domain of Catholic church which is wholly foreign heir jurisdiction, is a violation of eterjustice, of constitutional equality, and i of sane human reason?" o far for the views of the conservative nals in Switzerland, which showed at t good feeling, though only an impergrasp of the real points which were >suc. Their remarks were aimed at e who were disposed to favor the radi because they thought them opposed • to the Catholic religion and its insti>ns, and this was the ground on which r argued plausibly, if not always sound br universal toleration. But the hunradicals cared nothing for Protestant Catholic: their object was a political ; their desired good, like that of hungry cals everywhere, was power and pelf. Id they have gained anything by it, r would have fawned on the Catholic sts, as the Italian radicals did on Pius in the earlier stages of his reform; the Swiss priesthood were predisposed adge of political changes by the spirit he first French Revolution, and thanks wiss radicalism, they had no opportuto do otherwise. They were thereconservative, as we think, to a faulty cme—that is, in a wrong sense; r seem to us to have been conservaof political prejudices and customs, well as of principles and methods. it is a part of a true liberality to make e allowances, in these matters, for sa and circumstances; and, in details, to

sometimes even distrust the influence that these exert on ourselves. At any rate the radicals hated the priesthood, (it is to the honor of the latter,) and desired their destruction, not because of dogmas of faith but of the influence that they exerted socially upon the body of the people, and in behalf of the national constitution.

The grand object of the movements in Argow was to annul practically the Swiss constitution by attacking one of its fundamental provisions; and the radicals after this extended the plan of their operations. They succeeded in changing the cantonal constitution of Berne, and putting at the head of its new government the ringleaders of the free corps and their adherents. They also got the canton of Zurich into their hands. But on the other hand, they utterly lost Lucerne, where they had hitherto had a strong footing. The latter change was the result of a general religious revival throughout the canton; and on the head of this, so early as 1841, they made changes in the constitution of their canton in the sense contrary to radicalism; but we are not sufficiently well acquainted with their details to be able to judge of their propriety.

One consequence of the changes in Lucerne, was the calling into the canton some four or five Jesuits to take charge of the Theological Seminary. Owing to the want of a right separation of the church from the state in the cantons of Switzerland, it was necessary that this call should proceed from the civil government of the canton. Had it been, as it should have been, a simple act of the bishop of the diocese, so small an affair could never have given occasion to so much noise. As it is, such an undue importance has been attributed to the fact, on one side and the other, that it is worth while to discuss it in a few words.

We have never been able to tune our voices to the chorus of those commonplace romancers, or would-be remarkable people, Protestant as well as Catholic, who sing paeans to the Jesuits, as a race of heroes all, and worthy of the blood of Apollo. Still less have we ever found reason to believe that they arc a band of dark, designing men, who cherish evil schemes against political order, or even political liberty. We were predisposed to think, and have found in effect, that when men become Jesuits the laws of human nature are not abrogated in their behalf; and that therefore the members of that society continue in character, in intellect, or in learning, some very strong, and others very weak; but the greater part, as with other professional men, of a happy mediocrity; and if some have on occasion unhappily distinguished themselves by volubility of tongue, prominence of foibles, and exaltation of the imagination, we can remember that others have been remarkable for singular modesty, for the winning qualities of a mortified temper, and for the timely reticence that inspires confidence. And therefore, as we are not disposed to generalize what we find of admirable in individuals, so as to apply it to the whole society, reason compels us in like manner to excuse the society from the responsibility of individual imperfections.

But in our character as politician and man of the world, when the society of Jesuits is called in question, we judge it as we would the free corps of Berne, or any other society existing in the state. What things, we ask, are laid to their charge? Where is the proof? Are these things punishable'? What, and how severe, is the punishment they merit? And on these principles we feel bound to condemn or to defend them with the whole power of the state.

The cantonal government of Lucerne was of opinion that good policy dictated the calling of the Jesuits to take charge of their theological seminary. It has seemed to us that the following were their motives: The radicals were determined to despise the federal constitution, and the sovereignty of the cantons; they were equally determined, as the event has proved, and as was clear from the first, to overthrow religion both Catholic and Protestant, in favor of the wildest rationalism. To this end the radicals, forthwith on accomplishing the substitution of their new constitution in Berne, called out of Germany, to preside in their theological seminary, Strauss, who had made himself so famous by the boldness of his attack on the historical truth of the New Testament. We can then sympathize with the course that Lucerne took, at once to vindicate the rights of cantonal sovereignty, and to express a

just indignation at the outrage that E»"J had done to Christianity, by calling to Xsa seminary the body whose memberswki with reason or not, were popularly •stte| ed the boldest champions of Catholic . -i trine, and the most hateful to radicate

Meantime, the old question of the ia| pression of the monasteries by AiTt after being discussed from session to *J sion of the diet, without result, was fcuj eliminated from its further discussion^ 1843. The plea was, the necessity of »-J ing whatever should seem in the let: > interfere with the sovereign independ-y of each canton, and the vague procs given by Argow, that justice should 1 done. This permission of the confJKij. of church property was a plain violaM the pact. Of the twenty-two csma twelve voted for its elimination, and sen against it; the remaining three were & ded, and therefore lost. The seven ox * who insisted on the diet carrying cs < former resolution, and forcing Arm«' restore the monasteries, hereupon felt ts the confederation ceased to afford 61 the protection to which they had a rigi and, without delay, they formed betw themselves an alliance simply defers! and hypothecated on the event of fnrth encroachments on the part of the ridcantons. This alliance is what ha* been known as the Sonderbund.

This particular alliance in no wis fringed on the rights of the general federation; for in the first place, it one of the reserved rights of each * H eign canton, in case of internal comrs.-rj or peril, to call in to its aid just whki I the other cantons it should choose: tai the second place, this very same k»i an alliance had been then many yearexistence between seven Protestant can' which had leagued together against movements of the Catholics; and bet four of them, viz. Berne, Solotburc. gow and Thurgow, the same ag still subsisted till the year 1847, and thought of suppressing it was never tioned. Yet in the face of all these fthe same cantons that themselves » engaged in a league against the Csinterests, denounced the Sonderbuavi 1 treasonable, and in 1846, the diet *1 mainly occupied with the question :>'' forcible suppression. Though theoi';

)f the Sonderbund was purely political, md extended no further than to the prestation of the constitution, and the inde)endence of each canton, so it was that II the seven cantons composing it were f the Catholic religion, and this was likely i give it a religious complexion. But in ie diet, the Protestant canton of Neufbatel, from its conservative sympathies, )ok the part of the Sonderbund against je radicals.

For the rest, the Sonderbund was not irmed sooner than it was needed, for in irsuance of the plan pre-arranged in the cret lodges of Berne, to change, or else erturn, the government of each individual nton, the radicals of Valais in 1844 rose

armed rebellion against the lawfully :cted government of the canton. The nton asked the aid of its confederates, lich was pledged in such a case by the :aty of alliance. But Berne and Vaud t only refused their aid, but openly •eatened war against any other canton it should afford it. In this embarrassnt, the canton of Valais, rather than ivulse the confederation, relied on the .riotism and courage of the conservative ■t of its inhabitants, and, in effect, supssed the rebellious faction. The radi5 of Lucerne, with the aid of foreign peradoes, made similar attempts on t canton, which the Lucerne governit in like manner put down, 'he radicals, who, scattered abroad on .ides through Switzerland, had yet the ,re of their counsel and of their strength lerae, saw now that it was hopeless to ect the triumph of revolution in the servative cantons by the unaided strug

of the radical parties resident in those ons. They therefore grew bolder, and aid that they gave to the radical facs in Lucerne and elsewhere was no or disguised. The radical cantons had jrto violated their federal faith by reig aid to put down domestic insurrecthey now proceeded to violate it, by :tly attacking the cantonal sovereignty lucerne, Schwytz, Friburg and Valais. ;ve cantons had voted for eliminating disputes in Argow, on a pretence of supreme sovereignty of each canton

all affairs within its own territory, A\ pretence was exaggerated and false, use the federal league had guarantied

the liberty of Catholic worship,) and it was these same cantons that blushed not to demand the right of arranging the religion and private affairs of their sovereign equals; of prescribing who might and who might not teach in the seminaries of Catholic cantons, and amongst others, of that noble Schwytz, that, foreseeing their Punic faith, in 1815, had desired to decline forming part of the resuscitated league.

On the 30th March, 1845, the free corps of Berne, Solothurn, Argow and Country Bale, entered by night the canton of Lucerne, and, joined by the parricides of the latter, attempted to take its capital by surprise. But the generous old Waldstaaten, Schwytz, Uri and Unterwalden, with Zug, the most ancient of their confederates, were on the alert, and warned by watchful sentinels of the gathering storm, they rushed to the defence of their ally. The free corps, though three times the number of the conservatives, did not venture within shot of the walls of Lucerne. They retired in a sort of panic, and no blood was shed.

But henceforth the outbreak of civil war became certain; on all sides the saddest exhibition of interminable faction became visible. The Catholic towns in Argow were already with arms in hand ready to take their part. The Protestant town of Morat, in the canton of Friburg, on the other hand, ranged itself with the radicals. City Bale foolishly refused to vote at all, because its religious sympathies were opposed to its political principles. As we are exceeding our proposed limits, we cannot stop to detail the various steps of ruinous events that followed on this wretched state interference in religious matters. When the diet met in 1846, the revision of the federal pact, the expulsion of the Jesuits from all the colleges and seminaries of the Catholic cantons, and the dissolution of the Sonderbund, were the questions agitated, but which could not obtain the majority necessary for their determination. For the first of these, indeed, a unanimous vote of all the cantons would have been necessary, since each had entered the league individually. And as to the other questions, we have abundantly seen that any action upon them by the general diet would have been unconstitutional. But the radicals were determined to nc- • complish their ends by some means, daa

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