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what with our borrowings to sus& vicious war; what with a treasystem contrived so as to create erfu.1 centres of Executive influence arious parts of the country; what i the want of any national system jxchanges, so that the losses by exnge, and the want of a regulative treaj center, exceed all other causes of combined, in commercial operations; it -with the new Democratic movement he North, by which the Northern De:racy means, by and by, to regulate private affairs of our Southern States, 1 also to regulate the private affairs of ba, Jamaica and Mexico; what with this "governing," and longings to govi our neighbors and our fellow-citizens, I think we and our neighbors are "govled too much;" and, more, that it is rh time for honest and capable men to ;p in and put an end to this vicious, and too rapid increase of the governing >wer. It is time, sir, that Congress and e majority of the nation should begin id try what they can do in their lawful ipacity. When the Whigs are in power, icy will carry out their principles, but r>w their duty is, to use every honest leans to bring their own men into Conress, and into the national offices. But lis desirable end cannot be attained by jaring, or by creating divisions, or by lutting astute queries, with a jockey's wink i the eye, "Whether Gen. Taylor be a Vhig or no ?"—it were better if such would Qquire of their own selves, whether they mow the meaning of the word "Whig," md how far they arc sincere in their own Jrofessions of Whiggism? If they believe lot that Gen. Taylor is a Whig after all Lhe evidence that has been given them, they are, indeed, in a state of incapacity, and should put their faith in training to enable it to carry something solid. There are those whose experience has lain so much amongst knaves and simpletons, their beliefs are deranged and shrivelled for want of testimony. With these we need not parley. A man's sincerity and soundness is evident on his face, and in his life and speech Our candidate carries sincerity, sweetness, and manly courage in his countenance, and as his life has been an unbroken line of wisdom and heroism, so his speech is a perfect whole of modesty,
sincerity and consistency. In fact, sir, I entertain too great a respect for him to attempt to defend him.
Sir. But what is this satirical cry that I hear raised against an expediency candidate?
Cit. You are, perhaps, well enough acquainted with our language to know that the word expediency signifies "fitness or suitableness to the purpose intended;" or, sometimes, "propriety under the peculiar circumstances of the case:" these are the definitions of expediency.
What is expedient to an end is rights provided the end be right. The end does not indeed sanctify the means; for if we see bad means, or bad, false and wicked men employed, toward the accomplishment of any public design, acting in their real character of demagogues or deceivers, we may be perfectly assured that the end they are employed in is itself bad. The end and the means, in all cases, agree, harmonize and tally together; by the end you may judge what means must be used, good or bad ; by the means you may accurately predict the end. Evil is never expedient to a good end, nor good to an evil end. If it be a good end to bring the Whigs into power, it is absolutely proper that sound and honest means be employed. Now it is power that the Whigs want; but the power which they seek is not so much in the occupancy of office, as in the occupancy of the public confidence, of the public conscience, and of the hearts of all good men. This being their noble, their glorious ambition, they would be the last to resort to base and temporizing means.
What we seek in a candidate is, first, a great character; second, experience and wisdom in command; and, lastly, a national reputation. Now, if the first mark of a great character is the ability of controlling, combining, and directing the energies of other men, toward some one grand purpose; as when the general so employs and directs the energies and talents of his officers as to win the field; who discovers more of this quality than our candidate? His influence over his troops, by example of indifference to dangers, fills them with a calm and heroic courage ; his wisdom in guiding their valor and combining their movements, insures victory. Of this grand quality of a commander, the surest proof is when the honor of gaining his battles is attributed, now to erne and now to another of his officers. Each is so thoroughly imbued with true discipline, confidence, and courage, his particular exertions seem to have gained the battle. So is it always in the wars of great commanders. Napoleon's and Alexander's victories seemed to depend upon the skill and valor of some one of their officers; and so it was with Scott in Mexico, and with Taylor; the inspiring energy and mind of the commander-inchief makes heroes and generals even of the rank and file. Of this first quality then, I mean a great and commanding character, our candidate is a noble instance; and it is the more remarkable and effective in him, as it is united with plain manners and natural modesty—a modesty that suffers pain at its own praises; that is embarrassed and discomfited by applause.
6Vr. Believe me, sir, I enter into a full sympathy with you in this, for I have read in the papers of the day, more instances of these qualities you mention, and of the magnanimity so much admired in a soldier—more, I say, of General Taylor than of any other in history. He is my ideal of a republican soldier.
Cit. Now the second point that we require in our candidate, (he is a Whig, of course, else we should not have nominated him,) is, that he be accustomed to command. To know when, and to whom, to give power and place. He must be
"Perfected how to grant suits, How to deny them; whom to advance, and
whom To trash for overtopping; * * having both the
key To officer and office; to set all hearts i' the
state To what tune please his ear"
Else would he become the tool of those more powerful than he, and for a well ordered government give us a mutinous crowd of aspiring intriguers. The state must have a head, sir, who will be obeyed in his function, and who cares as little for the favor of this or that man, as might the archangel in the lead of heaven's array. Sir. From all I can learn of him, your |
candidate has as little of thnk&T quiescence about him as most met.
Cit. Well, there is another not as much reflected on as ought to be—I mean that a Pn more than a king, should ever be t ed by the country as a party aetn a man put in office to wrest the Coed tion, and sway the state against t:nority. All that is required of bin" laws, or by the common reason, is, la execute the will of the nation, K i given by a fair majority in Congrw? man who has the habit and exper*^ a military commander, will be the J place himself under the influence </>: tion, or of a circle of scheming c-1 gogues. His own will has usually I too much sway with him for that; Si accustomed to execute, without far favor, the commands of his lawfei d riors, whatever they might be; auH the nation, by majority, is his l»»fc perior, he will as readily and scrupu!" execute their will. Witness the "J obedience of Washington to all Hkczj laid upon him by the nation; and *i» also the exactness and authority v£ he used with those under hi <fl mand. With such a character, tie' fling intrigues of cliques and factkc- '• as forceless as the threats of children.
Str. Do you mean to urge that it I cases the people should prefer a ffifi3 commander to execute their will?
Cit. No, that is not my meuaj but only that in all cases they should m a man equally ready to obey and u>& cute their wiil; who has proved, by b^ service in the field, or in the cabinet. 'J he possesses that grand presidential f^rr ter, which unites a reverence for to* * tional will, and obedience to its lswW a pression, with such a freedom anddi^tf as nothing trifling or apprehend ff sway from the path of duty: * cho»*f that is truly national, and not dark or J* ous—that labors not to excite the faf ous heats of party, but rather to Utsf" and allay them ; a mind not theoretics-■ speculative, but poised by wise doot* a temper above exacerbation by the *'• row fury of a provincial farMB«s»' <'•'' easily irritated by the appearance of"* ness or selfishness. ,
General Taylor has the blood of >''
it ion in his veins, and in his heart ririt of '76. On the frozen shores of reat lakes, in the poisonous swamps >rida, and in the tropic heats of Mexij has perilled his life for his country. >eople love him—the nation respects oves him. When, with a mere handtroops, he stood upon the borders exico, in danger of being surrounded exterminated by the numerous forces e enemy, a deep anxiety pervaded the n; prayers were offered from the ;s of thousands for the safety of the nt army and their leader; and when, is courage and wisdom, a glorious vicfollowed instead of the expected demen of all parties began to say ng themselves, this man is more than ;re soldier ; he has other qualities than e of an officer; he has firmness and nanimity; he is great. Then began liries about him ; the private virtues of man became known to the people; his wledge; his judiciousness ; his wisdom; economy and simplicity, joined with lity of character; all together marked i as the man of the people, and soon he ame the favorite of the nation. S'/r. Justly, as I think. But how does lappen that the party, styled Demotic, rejects him?
Cil. As I have already told you, neral Taylor is a patriot and constitunalist of the style of '76; and it is the rit of that time that unites him in symIhy with the Whig party. That party, ring the contests of the last session of mgress, by their eloquence and firmness, d succeeded in rousing the better spirit the nation against the policy of conquest, d domination, and tyranny in all its apes. They had driven the Administra>n into a peaceful policy, and put a stop its enormous schemes. Great princies were discussed by them; the Constiition revived in their hands to its original fe and energy ; the wisdom of the fatncrs 'und a perfect echo in the hearts of their Jns. Good men who had seen only coraption and ruin hanging over the land, nd who thought that the great and forearing spirit of the days of Washington fas quite extinct, began to take courage, ad the hopeful passion of patriotism that an spring only in a just man's heart, began o burn anew in their bosoms. This was
the triumph of the Whigs. They exposed, and quelled for a time, the usurpations of the Executive, and ousted the title of conquest from the traditions of our law. The future historian, tracing the gradual decline of despotism, with the rise of liberty in the Saxon line, will allow them the singular and unequalled merit of having done this ; an honor that no other age can claim.
Str. In this you say General Taylor sympathizes with them?
Oit. Yes; he is one who goes back to the original text of order and the Constitution, and will maintain what he reads there to be right. And this right, the wise old man will execute; he will be a real Executive of laws, and not a schemer, a perverter, or an intriguer.
Str. Do you mean then, if he should be elected, to make him a counter instrument, to employ the veto power, and all the initiatory, legislative, and patronizing power against the corruptions of the other party?
Cil. That is the very thing we mean not to do. For, in the first place, our candidate cannot be made a tool, should we wish to use him as such; and the very aim and purpose of the Whig policy is to separate the legislative power from the Executive, and restore it to the people; where it belongs. It is with a view to carry out this reform that they have selected their candidate; a candidate like Washington, in this particular, that he has a magnanimity that is superior to the abuse of influence, and that he believes that the people, and not the President, should originate the laws. He will, therefore, refrain from the abuse of the veto power, nor will he thrust his private or speculative opinions upon Congress in the shape of public messages, or threatening advice; nor will he impede the course of legislation by threats of the veto, or of expulsion from office, or any of those corrupt means of influence that have become so familiar to us of late. He will only execute the laws which the people, through their Congress, shall command.
Str. I am obliged to you for this explanation. One question more; please say what is the meaning of this cry about "free soil," and the division of the other party upon that point? I had thought all soil in America was free?
Cit. All soil is free; but all men are not. It is the desire of the northern citizens of the Union, that the new regions of California, while they are the territory of the United States, shall be occupied by freemen only. When States are erected there, the people of those States will decide for themselves, whether they will have slaves or not: States are free, and legislate upon those matters as they please. But, until that time, comes, those citizens who are opposed to the extension of slavery wish to have the introduction of slaves forbidden by a law of Congress. In order to accomplish this end, some few of our citizens, mostly of the other party, mean if possible to elect a president who will wield an unconstitutional influence, through the veto, the legislative advice, the patronage of office, and the use of the press, even to the extent of dictatorial authority, to the suppression of the contrary policy, and the forcing of a free-soil vote upon Congress. They wish to topple over the whole fabric of the Constitution upon a minute enemy that lies on the other side of it. The great system of the Union they neither know nor care for, except so far as they can use it to carry out a favorite notion. All the interests of the nation, the protection of industry, the integrity of office, the honor of party, nay, the Union itself, are to be sacrificed to this one question of whether the wastes of California shall have slaves upon them or not.
Str. But are not the Whigs in favor of free soil?
Cit. The Whigs have fought the great battle of freedom in Congress this last year. They went against the annexation of new territory; they went against despotism in every shape ; they uniformly opposed the extension of slavery.
Str. Why then do not the northern Whigs also advocate the free-soil party?
Cit. Because they will not elect a President to be a dictator: the matter of slaves in California, they think to be of less consequence than that of erecting a dictator over Congress and converting the Presidency into an elective despotism.
Str. It seems to me a dreadful thing that slavery should go on extending itself.
Cit. Very well! admit that it is; would you have us go about ruining the whole
constitution of the State, and rsjsc; civil war, when, indeed, the whole aoai may be peaceably decided by a vote *' a majority? Let those who wish to pF*»i slaves from entering California, seat! »* bers to Congress who will vote proper • that question; and let those who thai a contrary send their men ; if the frw-« men prove to be a majority, Cali&nu free until the citizens of new States :aa begin to introduce slaves. If they ej&* to do that, there will be no power w is der them. The majority governs and i* govern. The majority in Congress dtoJi all questions in regard to territory President must not meddle in the in if he does, our liberties are dead, and: Constitution is nought.
Sir. These free-soil politicians be of that kind that will set a tows a fire to roast their eggs by. But what < southern Whigs make of all this
Cit. 0, sir, they are not disorganise They know the value of the Constkaaa and they respect the integrity of Use pire. They know that all minor qaeni-m like this of free soil, are to be settled' majorities. They are indeed spirited. n» never yield what they conceive to bf < right; but if the majority decides that si»«« shall not be held in the deserts of Ci3» nia, until the people there have made • new State and conclude to have th«n, ta southern Whigs being slaveholders, aT be very much disturbed and irritated, b* they will not break up the peace of «fc Union, I think.
Str. Pray, sir, may I be so bold «s I ask your own opinion on the subject <i slavery in the new territories?
Cit. I have no objection.
Sir. What, then, is it?
Cit. The likelihood is, that if I war» slaveholder, born and educated in the Sot:I should vote for opening the new tern*ries to slaveholders: and if I had b«i born in New England, and educated in tar opinion that slaveholding is wrong,—*sj, the probability is I should vote for the Bw dom of California.
Str. And where, pray, toere you ban and educated?
Cit. Precisely on Mason and Dues'* line.