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On these questions men exercise a latitude | of opinion; but if any man advocates a conquest policy, or acquiesces in the unrestrained use of the veto, or holds the doctrine of laisser faire, let alone, denying government all power to protect or extend trade, or to engage in works of national benefit, for the aid of commerce, agriculture, or manufactures,-why, then, we deny that he is a Whig-he is a Democrat of the bigot school, in a mischievous sense conservative.

But it is proper, perhaps, that I should put you on your guard against a very common error, an error, too, of great magnitude, and of the most injurious effect. It is growing more to be the opinion of our citizens, that the success of their policy depends upon the election of such or snch a person to the Presidency. Under democratic rule, the President exercises a twofold legislative power. Under Whig rule he is not supposed to exercise any such power. An ultra-democratic President regards the veto-power as unconditionally his, to be used at his good pleasure, for his own or for his party's benefit. He assumes a truly legislative position. Moreover, he thinks it politic to use as much personal influence, by giving and withholding of patronage, by the promise of aid, and by pledging himself to such or such a line of policy; and still more, by a means not rightly understood as yet by the people, the power of destroying the political character of any weak member of Congress, or any aspirant to office, by corresponding with his constituents, or through newspapers in the employment of the party-a vast and potent means of influence I say he thinks it politic to employ all these means to control elections, and create a ministerial majority in Congress, to carry out any measure of government that may seem good to himself and his friends. He will demand of his officials to be active on the eve of an election, in the support of some nameless adventurer, who has wriggled himself into favor at Washington.

Str. Stop a moment, if you please; do you mean to say that office is obtained in this free nation by intrigue, the intervention of women, bribing, and button-holding?

Cil. To my sorrow, I do, sir. You

must know that we have a peculiar and very numerous class of citizens in this country, who go by the name of officeseekers. These unfortunate persons are visited for their sins with a peculiar long ing-the longing for office, if it be the most miserable starveling function in the world,-still, if it be an office under government, they long. A more singular and uncomfortable malady than this is not to be found noted in the books. It can be compared with none but that dirt-dispepsia which afflicts the negroes of the West Indies, when they long to eat dust and earth, and will even sweep the floor in order to devour the sweepings. The officedispepsia sometimes seizes upon men at middle age in the full vigor of health, and they will even throw up a good business, sell a farm, pawn their mortgages, and hypothecate their stocks, to scrape money to spend in the hotels of Washington, soliciting the miserable boon of a clerk's place, with a salary of six hundred a-year. Such instances are not rare. Sir, I am afraid you will not believe me when I tell you, that for every one of the hundred thousand persons in the pay of government, there are probably five or six who are sick of this odious malady. Thus you have at least half a million of men, and an innumerable multitude of their sympathizing friends, reduced to a condition of moral atrophy, their free-wills extinguished in that of their monstertyrant the government. Now, on the eve of a democratic election, this vast body is converted for the most part into an electioneering army: they per suade and draw over the neutrals, and so turn the scale. As a remark, by-theby, let me suggest, then, if the Whigs, who have been long out of power, should gain the next election by a bare majority, their real numbers must be enormous and embrace two-thirds of the nation at least; seeing that their adversaries, with the aid of this electioneering army, and all other means to boot, could not outvote them. But I grow tedious.

Str. O no; your account is painful but not tedious.

Cit. Now it is a part of good policy that this dreadful endemic of office-seeking, which not only corrupts our government, but creates the greatest unhappiness and

discontent, should be abated—at least, that the government itself should cease to be the patron and promoter of it for the evil purposes of faction. To this end all that is necessary, is that our President should, in the first place, make all promotions in the army and navy in the regular order of the service, not allowing himself to be affected by private influence, or personal power, and that for the officers of government he should choose such men as are known to be valuable and honest; and for local offices, such as those of the Post Office and the Revenue, that he should not bestow them merely as rewards for party service, but should, as far as possible, choose such men as are acceptable to the people of the places where they are, and would be chosen by them were they to be elected by vote. And, lastly, he is not to displace a valuable officer merely because he voted against the party of the President. A busy, noisy demagogue, who neglects his official duties, and passes his whole time in clubs and caucusses, cannot indeed expect to remain in office when there is a better man and a more useful one to fill his place; there are limits beyond which endurance will not carry us-but I think the principle is by this time quite clear to you.

Str. Yes; but it seems to me a very serious defect in your government, that the appointment to valuable local offices should be in the hands of the President. Why not make them elective?

Čit. There are arguments on both sides. The Constitution provides that Congress shall have power to make the minor offices elective if it pleases, but at present they are by appointment. Touching the question of appointments and removals, our candidate has this grand qualification, that having no party obligations, nor private enmities, he will allow good officers to retain their places, and only expel such as are notoriously intriguing, incapable or corrupt; and there is good reason to believe that he will always prefer such men as are acceptable to the people, and such as will not tamper with public opinion, or labor to corrupt the

elections.

Str. But if it is power that the Whigs want, why should they not use every means to increase their power?

Cit. The power which they want is the free unbiassed favor of the nation, not the interested love of dependants. The Whigs are fully aware that the weight of national feeling and opinion is on their side; they wish only for a free expression of that opinion. And this we believe will be allowed them if General Taylor and his friends come into power.

Str. Sir, I am amazed at the expres sions which you use-"allowed them." Why, sir, are not the people free?

Čit. Not under the so-called "Democratic rule." Under that rule the majority does not govern. For, under that rule, the President is endowed with a legislative as well as an executive power. He dictates to Congress; he dictates to his officials and their friends; he dictates to the party; and through all this dictation he is the dictator of the nation, and not its constitutional Executive. If the President and his friends wish to have supplies for a war, which they mean to engage in, with England, or with Mexico, or any other country-for the acquisition of remote gold mines, or ports of commerce-they can so influence Congress, and so influence the elections, and so threaten, terrify, and suppress the free opinion of the best men of their own party, as to obtain such supplies. They can put the ma chinery of the press in motion, to manufaeture public opinion over all the continent, and even in Europe, to carry out their pernicious schemes. And if all this fails, and the President and his friends find themselves in a minority in Congress. then steps in the veto power, and by holding it in terror over every measure of public benefit or private claim-in short, sir, the Executive power, with army, navy, offices, newspapers, party, Congress, and the purse at command, can do just what it likes. You see, then, our only hope is TO ELECT AN HONEST MAN.

It is power, sir, that we want, not the power to govern and meddle, but the power to let alone and forbear. We be gin to think well of that favorite max of our Democratic friends, that the world"-this country at least-" is ges erned too much." True, indeed, wast with our botched up tariffs, ruining the manufacturing interest, and turning, by that means, the balance of trade agains

sincerity and consistency. In fact, sir, I entertain too great a respect for him to attempt to defend him.

Str. But what is this satirical cry that I hear raised against an expediency candidate?

Cit. You are, perhaps, well enough acquainted with our language to know that the word expediency signifies "fitness or suitableness to the purpose intended;" or, sometimes, "propriety under the peculiar circumstances of the case:" these are the definitions of expediency.

What is expedient to an end is right, provided the end be right. The end does not indeed sanctify the means; for if we see bad means, or bad, false and wicked men employed, toward the ac

us; what with our borrowings to sus- | tain a vicious war; what with a treasury system contrived so as to create powerful centres of Executive influence in various parts of the country; what with the want of any national system of exchanges, so that the losses by exchange, and the want of a regulative treasury center, exceed all other causes of loss combined, in commercial operations; what with the new Democratic movement in the North, by which the Northern Democracy means, by and by, to regulate the private affairs of our Southern States, and also to regulate the private affairs of Cuba, Jamaica and Mexico; what with all this "governing," and longings to govern our neighbors and our fellow-citizens, I do think we and our neighbors are "gov-complishment of any public design, acterned too much ;" and, more, that it is high time for honest and capable men to step in and put an end to this vicious, and all too rapid increase of the governing power. It is time, sir, that Congress and the majority of the nation should begin and try what they can do in their lawful capacity. When the Whigs are in power, they will carry out their principles, but now their duty is, to use every honest means to bring their own men into Congress, and into the national offices. But this desirable end cannot be attained by roaring, or by creating divisions, or by putting astute queries, with a jockey's wink of the eye, Whether Gen. Taylor be a Whig or no?"-it were better if such would inquire of their own selves, whether they know the meaning of the word "Whig," Whig," and how far they are sincere in their own professions of Whiggism? If they believe not that Gen. Taylor is a Whig after all the evidence that has been given them, they are, indeed, in a state of incapacity, and should put their faith in training to enable it to carry something solid. There are those whose experience has lain so much amongst knaves and simpletons, their beliefs are deranged and shrivelled for want of testimony. With these we need not parley. A man's sincerity and soundness is evident on his face, and in his life and speech. Our candidate carries sincerity, sweetness, and manly courage in his countenance, and as his life has been an unbroken line of wisdom and heroism, so his speech is a perfect whole of modesty,

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ing in their real character of demagogues
or deceivers, we may be perfectly assured
that the end they are employed in is itself
bad. The end and the means, in all
cases, agree, harmonize and tally together;
by the end you may judge what means
must be used, good or bad; by the means
you may accurately predict the end. Evil
is never expedient to a good end, nor good
to an evil end. If it be a good end to
bring the Whigs into power, it is absolute-
ly proper that sound and honest means be
employed. Now it is power that the
Whigs want; but the power which they
seek is not so much in the occupancy of
office, as in the occupancy of the public
confidence, of the public conscience, and
of the hearts of all good men.
This being
their noble, their glorious ambition, they
would be the last to resort to base and
temporizing means.

What we seek in a candidate is, first, a great character; second, experience and wisdom in command; and, lastly, a national reputation. Now, if the first mark of a great character is the ability of controlling, combining, and directing the energies of other men, toward some one grand purpose; as when the general so employs and directs the energies and talents of his officers as to win the field; who discovers more of this quality than our candidate? His influence over his troops, by example of indifference to dangers, fills them with a calm and heroic courage; his wisdom in guiding their valor and combining their movements, insures

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victory. Of this grand quality of a com- | candidate has as little of timidity or acmander, the surest proof is when the honor quiescence about him as most men. of gaining his battles is attributed, now to one and now to another of his officers. Each is so thoroughly imbued with true discipline, confidence, and courage, his particular exertions seem to have gained the battle. So is it always in the wars of great commanders. Napoleon's and Alexander's victories seemed to depend upon the skill and valor of some one of their officers; and so it was with Scott in Mexico, and with Taylor; the inspiring energy and mind of the commander-inchief makes heroes and generals even of the rank and file. Of this first quality then, I mean a great and commanding character, our candidate is a noble instance; and it is the more remarkable and effective in him, as it is united with plain manners and natural modesty-a modesty that suffers pain at its own praises; that is em barrassed and discomfited by applause.

Str. Believe me, sir, I enter into a full sympathy with you in this, for I have read in the papers of the day, more instances of these qualities you mention, and of the magnanimity so much admired in a soldier-more, I say, of General Taylor than of any other in history. He is my ideal of a republican soldier.

Cit. Now the second point that we require in our candidate, (he is a Whig, of course, else we should not have nominated him,) is, that he be accustomed to command. To know when, and to whom, to give power and place. He must be

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Cit. Well, there is another point, not as much reflected on as perhaps it ought to be-I mean that a President, no more than a king, should ever be regarded by the country as a party instrument, a man put in office to wrest the Constitution, and sway the state against the minority. All that is required of him by the laws, or by the common reason, is, that he execute the will of the nation, as it is given by a fair majority in Congress. A man who has the habit and experience of a military commander, will be the last to place himself under the influence of a faction, or of a circle of scheming dema gogues. His own will has usually had too much sway with him for that; he is accustomed to execute, without fear or favor, the commands of his lawful superiors, whatever they might be; and when the nation, by majority, is his lawful superior, he will as readily and scrupulously execute their will. Witness the ready obedience of Washington to all commands laid upon him by the nation; and witness also the exactness and authority which he used with those under his mand. With such a character, the trifling intrigues of cliques and factions are as forceless as the threats of children.

Str. Do you mean to urge that in all cases the people should prefer a military commander to execute their will?

Cit. No, that is not my meaning: but only that in all cases they should elect a man equally ready to obey and to execute their will; who has proved, by long service in the field, or in the cabinet, that he possesses that grand presidential character, which unites a reverence for the n tional will, and obedience to its lawful erpression, with such a freedom and dignity as nothing trifling or apprehensive can sway from the path of duty; a character that is truly national, and not dark or jeal ous-that labors not to excite the danger ous heats of party, but rather to temper and allay them; a mind not theoretical, or speculative, but poised by wise doubts. a temper above exacerbation by the nar row fury of a provincial fanaticism, but easily irritated by the appearance of baseness or selfishness.

General Taylor has the blood of the

revolution in his veins, and in his heart | the triumph of the Whigs. They exposed,

the spirit of '76. On the frozen shores of the great lakes, in the poisonous swamps of Florida, and in the tropic heats of Mexico, he has perilled his life for his country. The people love him-the nation respects and loves him. When, with a mere handful of troops, he stood upon the borders of Mexico, in danger of being surrounded and exterminated by the numerous forces of the enemy, a deep anxiety pervaded the nation; prayers were offered from the hearts of thousands for the safety of the gallant army and their leader; and when, by his courage and wisdom, a glorious victory followed instead of the expected defeat, men of all parties began to say among themselves, this man is more than a mere soldier; he has other qualities than those of an officer; he has firmness and magnanimity; he is great. Then began inquiries about him; the private virtues of the man became known to the people; his knowledge; his judiciousness; his wisdom; his economy and simplicity, joined with dignity of character; all together marked him as the man of the people, and soon he became the favorite of the nation.

Str. Justly, as I think. But how does it happen that the party, styled Democratic, rejects him?

Cit. As I have already told you, General Taylor is a patriot and constitutionalist of the style of '76; and it is the spirit of that time that unites him in sympathy with the Whig party. That party, during the contests of the last session of Congress, by their eloquence and firmness, had succeeded in rousing the better spirit of the nation against the policy of conquest, and domination, and tyranny in all its shapes. They had driven the Administration into a peaceful policy, and put a stop to its enormous schemes. Great principles were discussed by them; the Constitution revived in their hands to its original life and energy; the wisdom of the fathers found a perfect echo in the hearts of their sons. Good men who had seen only corruption and ruin hanging over the land, and who thought that the great and forbearing spirit of the days of Washington was quite extinct, began to take courage, and the hopeful passion of patriotism that can spring only in a just man's heart, began to burn anew in their bosoms. This was

and quelled for a time, the usurpations of the Executive, and ousted the title of conquest from the traditions of our law. The future historian, tracing the gradual decline of despotism, with the rise of liberty in the Saxon line, will allow them the singular and unequalled merit of having done this; an honor that no other age can claim.

Str. In this you say General Taylor sympathizes with them?

Cit. Yes; he is one who goes back to the original text of order and the Constitution, and will maintain what he reads there to be right. And this right, the wise old man will execute; he will be a real Executive of laws, and not a schemer, a perverter, or an intriguer.

Str. Do you mean then, if he should be elected, to make him a counter instrument, to employ the veto power, and all the initiatory, legislative, and patronizing power against the corruptions of the other party

Cit. That is the very thing we mean not to do. For, in the first place, our candidate cannot be made a tool, should we wish to use him as such; and the very aim and purpose of the Whig policy is to separate the legislative power from the Executive, and restore it to the people; where it belongs. It is with a view to carry out this reform that they have selected their candidate; a candidate like Washington, in this particular, that he has a magnanimity that is superior to the abuse of influence, and that he believes that the people, and not the President, should originate the laws. He will, therefore, refrain from the abuse of the veto power, nor will he thrust his private or speculative opinions upon Congress in the shape of public messages, or threatening advice; nor will he impede the course of legislation by threats of the veto, or of expulsion from office, or any of those corrupt means of influence that have become so familiar to us of late. He will only execute the laws which the people, through their Congress, shall command.

Str. I am obliged to you for this explanation. One question more; please say what is the meaning of this cry about 'free soil," and the division of the other party upon that point? I had thought all soil in America was free?

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