One luckless day last week the poet met Nor rarebits even make him sleep at night!—Am. Rev. There are two words, or rather applications of words, which we rather wonder should have escaped the author. One is "moderate," pronounced mordrit, which is much used in New England to express any amount of diminution either directly in bulk or quality, or metaphorically in mind or character. After hearing old Deacon X., for instance, declare that the new minister was "ruther m-o-r-drit," we should feel positive that a few months would witness a change of dynasty. The other is the Pennsylvania "ordinary," pronounced ornary, and applied in much the same way as the Yankee "moderate." That young lady in a backwoods village would not be a very desirable acquaintance, respecting whom the neighbors should unite in saying "she is ornary." Every reader will probably call to mind similar examples which this collection does not contain; still it is as complete, perhaps, as could be expected for such a work, and may serve a good purpose in separating the language of coarseness from that of elegance. Literary Sketches and Letters: being the Final Memorials of Charles Lamb, never before Published. By THOMAS NOON TALFOURD, one of his Executors. New York: D. Appleton & Co. 1848. It is almost superfluous to promise an extended notice of this welcome book as soon as time and space permit; we hope there are not many readers who would readily forgive the omission of one. At present it is sufficient to say that the volume is mostly composed of Lamb's letters, not before published, to Coleridge, Southey, Wordsworth, and others of his friends, and that they are quite as delightful as those which have already embalmed his memory. They authenticate the report of his own early insanity, and the story, which, before, we had resolutely believed to be the sport of some horror-loving invention, about poor Mary Lamb's having murdered her mother in a fit of frenzy, and the subsequent recurrence of her disease at intervals through life. They also place Lamb's character in a new light, and enable us better to do justice to his excellence. They show him as a religious person as well as a humorist, as a resolute, self-sacrificing man as well as the most genial of wits, and the most ate of critics. "The immediate occasion of this work," say the translators, "was the publication, in 1845, of Strauss's Life of Christ, a work which, as every one knows, created a great sensation, not merely in the theological circles of Germany, but also throughout Europe." withstanding the dread with which German theology is regarded by many English and some American divines, it was not in GerILAN soil that the first seeds of infidelity took not It was by the Deistical writers of Engiand. the early part of the last century, that the as thenticity of the sacred writers was first ope d'y assailed. The attacks of Toland, Chubb, MS gan, &c., &c., were directed mainly against the credibility and sincerity of the sacred writers and their blows were aimed avowedly ag the whole fabric of Christianity." English skepticism passed over into Germany Among the various sects or classes of ut lievers, the most learned and numerous are the Rationalists, who endeavor to interpret Surp ture by mere logic and science. They soek i free it from everything supernatural. Straus But these admiring De Tocquevilles did reckon, to use a common phrase, without their host; they were not aware that nine thousand out of the ten thousand so styled "friends of Mr. Clay," rending the air with acclamation, came there either to see a crowd and exercise their lungs, or else to pledge themselves to a forbearance which they could not maintain. If it were not that the very name of "party honor" or "party morality" excites a smile, it might be worth one's while to adduce the propriety of keeping up a certain credit and consistency in these proceedings. But since the new "movement,' started by the discontents, it has become necessary to use other and more appreciable arguments. Ar the great meeting held in New York by the friends of Mr. Clay, previous to the assembling of the Convention at Philadelphia, resolutions were read and speeches were made, in which the favorite candidate was recommended as the choice of the Whigs of New York, "subject," however, and with a remarkable emphasis on the word subject, "to the decision of a NaLional Convention." The resolutions and the speeches were heard with acclamation; all sensible men admired in their hearts, and some even incautiously boasted of, the superior sense and sagacity of the New York Whigs, of their "fine enthusiasm, tempered by so great discretion and wisdom," with observations in the style of a De Tocqueville, on the grand spectacle of "ten thousand assembled freemen," who, What then are the grounds of the disif they had chosen, could have gone mad contents, and what remedy do they proon the instant, and displayed the most hor- pose? A stranger, unacquainted with rid or ridiculous conduct, "conducting the spirit of our politics, or who had themselves, nevertheless, with propriety, studied our institutions in the dignified and submitting to the voice of reason and writings of Madison, Hamilton and Jefa National Convention. "Noble specta-ferson, on beholding so vast an assemcle," cried those philosophers, "and that aught to make tyrants blush, to see ten thousand men in one place, with nobody to govern them, behaving with decency, and talking of submission! Sight gratifying to the hearts of patriots!" blage as that which met lately in New York to denounce the Philadelphia Convention, would no doubt believe that some article of the Constitution, some grand bulwark of Liberty had been attacked, and that General Taylor and his friends were the instruments of some tyrannical faction whose design was to overthrow the government, and break up the Union.* With what a revulsion of feeling would he learn the fact, that this assemblage came to gether only to defeat their own party, from which they differed in not a single article of faith or practice. Unable to believe at once in so much folly, he would address himself, perhaps, at the close of the meeting, to some one of the assemblage, whose face and conduct showed intelligence, with the question, "Sir, I am a stranger in your country, but eager to understand your institutions; will you inform me of the purpose of this vast and enthusiastic assemblage? Citizen. These citizens are the friends of Mr. Clay. They have assembled here tonight to do him honor. Stranger. How? By acclamation? Cit. Yes, and by other means. They mean to defeat the election of General Taylor, the opposing candidate. Str. Ah! I understand. The famous general, whom all the world knows, is the candidate of the opposite party, Mr. Clay of the Whigs. Cit. No, sir, (courteously.) General Taylor is the candidate of the Whigs. Str. And were there no other candidates of the Whigs? Cit. There were two others-Mr. Webster of Massachusetts, and General Scott, the favorite of the West. Str. I suppose, then, that the friends of Mr. Webster will hold a great meeting in Massachusetts, and the friends of General Scott in the West, for the same purpose, to honor their own candidate and defeat General Taylor? Cit. By no means; that would be ridiculous. Str. Why then is it not ridiculous in the friends of Mr. Clay? Does he occupy a position so peculiar, that what is proper for his friends is ridiculous for those of Mr. Webster or General Scott? Cit. The case needs explanation. You have heard, perhaps, of the Philadelphia Convention? Str. No. * A faction pursues an interest which is not supposed to be the interest of the whole. A party pursues the interest of the nation, as they view it. Cit. The Whigs of the Union, after a great triumph over their adversaries in Congress-a triumph, sir, of principle, in which the majority of the nation heartily sympathized with them-believed that if they could select a proper candidate, they might possibly elect him to the presidency, and by that means secure a Whig ascendency in the national councils. They met accordingly at Philadelphia, by delegates from all the States, and proceeded to ascertain who, of all the candidates, was the people's choice; that is to say, who of them would have the majority of voices. For, it was agreed, by the party, that whoever received the majority of votes in a fair convention, should become the candidate of the whole party. The majority voted for General Taylor. Their choice lay between four candidates, two of whom were military men and two statesmen. Of the two statesmen-who were, indeed, the recognized leaders and representatives of the party-one, Mr. Webster, though a man of vast ability. could not be taken as a national candidate, because it was very certain that his nomination would not be popular in the South And it was necessary to the success of the party that the candidate should have a nearly equal and diffused popularity throughout the nation-that he should have political friends, strong in num bers and in spirit, in every State of the Union. Now, Mr. Webster's popularity. though sufficient to carry every Whiz New England, was not as powerful the South. If you are acquainted with modern history, the reasons of this resd not be explained to you. The South & not, perhaps, thoroughly understand ther own interests; else Mr. Webster would be as popular there as in New Englisẻ Southerners regard him as the represe tive of the East; which, indeed, he is, ta by-and-by they will know that he is as the representative of the nation. Thas however, is a difficulty which time orly tleman, and he adds, moreover, an accomplished skill in the management of difficult negotiations, that require courage and magnanimity, tempered by judgment and tact. General Scott is the favorite of the army: our returned officers constantly echo his praises. His popularity was very great, and his friends supposed that he was the best candidate. But it did not prove so. Out of all the votes given at the Convention, he received about a fourth. The body of these votes were from the West. The choice lay now between Mr. Clay and General Taylor-between the commander and the statesman. Both of these had passed their lives in the service of their country: one in the field, defending our frontiers against the incursions of the Indian tribes, and latterly, in carrying on a war of fearful danger, and against the greatest odds, in Mexico; the other in a battle of opinion, equally arduous and important sustaining the cause of liberty and nationality, as it was sustained by Jefferson and Madison, those grand patrons and founders of our institutions. In the Messages of President Jefferson you will find expressed, in great part, that protective and beneficent policy of which Mr. Clay is the distinguished advocate. the Whig side, and for the support of Whig Cit. That is impossible. He has refused the use of his name to any faction. The honor of the party is his own honor. Str. Why should he do that? If he thinks himself entitled to the Presidency as the reward of his long service Cit. You mistake. Men are not call Each of these great men represents a phase of the heroic character; their qual-ed to the Presidency in the acceptance ities are heroic, and yet contrasted. Each is admirable, but they affect us differently according to our predispositions. The generous pride and lofty pre-eminence of Mr. Clay's character; his aristocratic bearing, his haughty eye, and his irresistible grace, both of manners and of speech, show him one of nature's noblemen, a man born to lead and to command. His instinct of character, which is perfect and instantaneous, places him at once in a relation of friendship or enmity with those who come into personal contact with him. His nemies are constant and sincere: his friends re enthusiastic and devoted; their attenion is drawn toward him with such intenity, because of his wonderful qualities, hey soon forget everything in the man, nd too easily lose sight in him of the rinciples and interests which he advoates. The crowd of citizens whom you saw ssembled in this room just now, are most art ardent politicians, strongly engaged on of a reward, but in the performance of a duty. Mr. Clay has no such contemptible opinion of his country's offices as to claim them as one would a salary. As they are honors, they must be freely given, but not demanded as they are duties, they must be entered upon with anxiety and reluctance, not seized as a perquisite. None know better the true spirit in which to regard these things, than the minority candidate; he has said "that he would rather be right than be President," meaning, perhaps, that as the most desirable of all things, in point of credit, is to be right, the next is, to have one's merit recognized by some great testimony, as by an appointment to the Presidency. Str. It strikes me now that his friends' opinion of him was not commensurate with his greatness, or their honor, that they should make a movement by which he was invited to defeat his own party. Cit. Ah! sir, he is too good a patriot for that, and too great a mind to give in to any littleness. Mr. Clay's honor, as one of the candidates of the Convention, would have been sorely compromised should he have yielded an instant to their suggestions. When the name of General Taylor was offered at the Convention, the principal objection raised against it, and which, while it remained, was insuperable, was that he did not freely commit himself into the hands of the Convention; but it was thought, that if rejected by them, he would allow himself to be made an independent candidate, and by that course divide the party, and defeat the election. This objection, urged with great vehemence by the friends of Mr. Clay and others, was removed by General Taylor's explicit committal to the Convention; he would be theirs wholly, to do with as they pleased. Of course, if one of the candidates for nomination was thus bound, all were bound; but our discontented enthusiasts here, seem to have forgotten that point, if indeed they ever took it into consideration. Should it be agreed by one half the Whig party, to set up Mr. Clay, he would not allow himself to be made their candidate; neither would Mr. Webster, nor General Scott. All votes given for these gentlemen are thrown into the sea, and go so far to elect the adversary. Str. Do you mean the "adversary of souls ?" Cit. No, sir; the adversary of peace. To continue. General Taylor will draw after him a number of democratic votes. Democratic committees have offered him, unconditionally, the votes of their caucuses, and he has very properly accepted them. The vote of a Democrat is as good, or better, to elect a Whig President than the vote of a Whig. And this, too, was known to the Convention, and it had great weight in procuring the nomination of the General; for when a man is popular with both parties, and is a firm adherent of one, other things being as they should be, he is the candidate, the expediency candidate, as the new phrase has it. You cannot choose but take such a one; to do otherwise were a proof of more enthusiasm than discretion. Str. I cannot leave meditating the indiscretion of those mistaken citizens! That they should have deliberately gone about disgracing themselves and their venerated leader, by making him the puppet of a faction! Cit. Never concern yourself. He is not bound to be keeping a hospital for insane politicians. Let it pass. The shame of it is enough, and will last long enough But we may learn some good lessons from the folly, and so at least give it value as a part of history. Conventions are but just beginning to be understood. They are an essential part of our system. We cannot dispense with them. But we must learn to organize them properly, to conduct them fairly, and finally to acquiesce in their decisions. To violate the faith of a Convention should be regarded as a kind of minor treason, and such politicians as fail of their just and honorable adherence should suffer a political death; should be read out of our books, or be set down as mercenaries. Why, if the party is established for the country's good, is it not contrary to manhood and to virtue, to divide, corrupt, or deceive it? A great deal is urged by these discontents about principles-about adhering to our principles. We had better never be in power, say these astute moralists, then sacrifice a single principle. Very good, very heroical, is that saying. But unless we at some time acquire power to carry out our principles, they are almost a dead letter. I know, indeed, that a vigoros minority, with right on their side, bring the country to their mind, and with public opinion to aid them, may effectay obstruct and even change the policy of a corrupt administration; but in doing tha they have not done all. If the Whigs are never to be in office, they will by-and-ty cease to exist as a party. Nor are they to insist with a childish per tinacity that their candidate shall give ¿ all and every point of policy that was r entertained by a Whig. If their candie is sound at heart, and on difficult q tions defers to the opinion of the maj what more can they ask of him? Toss more were the height of folly—it were cre an indecency, and a kind of tempur Providence, who will surely visit such exti ing electors with a DEMAGOGUE. Whig will deny the name of Whig to elector because he does not think we. prohibitory duties, or of a national bar W: |