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agreed with his own, and squared, at the self withdraw his own name as a popular same time, both with the Constitution and candidate, in order to stand in the list of the high interests of the country, of course candidates before the Convention ; but he he would have no difficulty about them, or agreed that those friends of his who came about his “rules of action;" and this, as into this Convention with his name, did, by we shall see directly, is exactly the state that act, so far as they were concerned, of things, and exactly his position in re- pledge themselves, and were bound, to gard to the principles of the Whig party. sustain the nominee of the Convention, Gen. Taylor thought it more becoming the whoever he might be. Considering the high dignity of such a position as that of attitude in which these friends stood toPresident of the United States, or that of wards him, this was virtually a withdrawal a candidate for the Presidency, to declare of his name wholly from the canvass, in the that “the Constitution, in a strict and event of some other person receiving the honest interpretation, and in the spirit and nomination of the Convention. The other mode in which it was acted upon by the thing to be understood in his behalf was, earlier Presidents, would be his chief that in no event should any pledges be guide” in that high office, rather than exacted of him as the candidate of the promise to do the will and bidding of any Whig party, beyond what might be implied party. And he thought also, no doubt in the sentiments already freely expressed and he adhered for a long time, with char- by him. acteristic and honest pertinacity, to this The question presents itself, whether the idea and this hope—that a President, though Convention had sufficient evidence of the known to entertain sentiments consonant political sentiments of Gen. Taylor, to justo those of a particular party, and there- tify them, as Whigs, in putting him in fore supported as the nominee of that nomination, in the face of his declaration, party, would be all the more fortunate and that he would give them no pledges behappy, and all the more likely to be useful yond the general avowal of his sentiments to his country, if receiving at the same already before the public. What then time a popular support, irrespective of was known of his political opinions at the party. They were strictly popular move- sitting of the Convention ? We venture ments, or so they seemed to him, which to say, as much was known as could be first presented his name for President, and known of the opinions of any man not act was in response to such movements that tually brought up in the din and strife of his assent to the use of his name was first partý politics. He had already in repeatsiven. Having consented to occupy that ed instances declared that he was a Whig, bosition, it was not for him to withdraw though he took care uniformly to qualify rom it, though others might withdraw the declaration with the remark, that he nim if they chose. It was not inconsistent was not an ultra Whig. Still he was a vith that position that he should receive Whig, and should ever be devoted, in innd accept the nomination of a party, atdividual opinion, to the principles of that ast of the Whig party, with whose prin- party." iples his own were in accordance; but But he did not rest finally in this geneien it was necessary this should be done ral declaration. After the war was virtuithout exacting from him any mere party ally over, and he was withdrawn from the ledges.

field, he put forth a more explicit and full Such, according to our understanding of declaration of his opinions. And we proe matter, was the position of Gen. Tay- pose now to place that document on r down to the time of the holding of the record, at length, in this journal, received hiladelphia Convention. He was already as it was—in our judgment properly refore the people, in some quarters, as a ceived as satisfactory to the Convention pular candidate irrespective of party, which nominated Gen. Taylor to the Prese question now was, whether he should idency, and worthy to be received everymade the candidate of the Whig party. where, by all true Whigs, as an exposition

this he was willing to assent; two of his principles, highly creditable to him, ings, however, being expressly under- and wholly satisfactory to them. The pod. One was, that he could not him- letter alluded to follows, and the best Whig in the land may study it with profit | pen to occupy the Executive chair, ought not to and advantage :

control the action of Congress upon questions of

domestic policy; nor ought his objections to be isBaton Rouge, April 22, 1848.

terposed where questions of constitutional power DEAR Sır:-My opinions have recently have been settled by the various departments been so often misconceived and misrepresen- of government and acquiesced in by the people. ted, that I deem it due to myself, if not to my

Third. Upon the subjects of the tariffs

, the friends, to make a brief exposition of them currency, the improvement of our great highupon the topics to which you have called my ways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the attention.

people, as expressed through their RepresentaI have consented to the use of my name as

tives in Congress, ought to be respected and a candidate for the Presidency. I have frankly carried out by the Executive. avowed my own distrust of my fitness for that

Fourth. The Mexican war. I sincerely rehigh station ; but having, at the solicitation of joice at the prospect of peace. My life has many of my countrymen, taken my position as

been devoted to arms, yet I look upon war at a candidate, I do not feel at liberty to surrender all times and under als circumstances as a new that position until my friends manifest a wish tional calamity, to be avoided if compatible that I should retire from it. I will then most

with national honor. The principles of car gladly do so. I have no private purposes to Government, as well as its true policy, are op! accom ish, no party projects to build up, no

posed to the subjugation of other nations and enemies to punish-nothing to serve but my

the dismemberment of other countries by custom country.

quest. In the language of the great Washine I have been very often addressed by letter, ton, “Why should we quit our own to stand on and my opinions have been asked upon almost foreign ground ?" In the Mexican war on every question that might occur to the writers national honor has been vindicated, amply rijas affecting the interests of their country or dicated, and in dictating terms of peace, we their party. I have not always responded to may well afford to be forbearing and eres these inquiries, for various reasons.

magnanimous to our fallen foe. I confess, whilst I have great cardinal prin

These are my opinions upon the submar3 ciples which will regulate my political life

, I referred to by you; and any reports or pubic am not sufficiently familiar with all the minute tions, written or verbal, from any source, dife details of political legislation to give solemn ing in any essential particular from what is pledges to exert my influence, if I were Presi- here written, are unauthorized and untrue. dent, to carry out this or defeat that measure.

I do not know that I shall again write apou I have no concealment. I hold no opinion the subject of national politics. I shall engar which I would not readily proclaim to my as

in no schemes, no combinations, no intrigues i sembled countrymen; but crude impressions If the American people have not contidence as upon matters of policy, which may be right me, they ought not to give me their suffragan to-day and wrong to-morrow, are, perhaps, not

If they do not, you know me well enough * the best test of fitness for office. One who believe me when I declare I shall be contes cannot be trusted without pledges cannot be I am too old a soldier to murmur against saconfided in merely on account of them.

high authority.

Z. TAYLOR I will proceed, however, now to respond to

To Capt. J. S. Allisos. your inquiries. First. I reiterate what I have often said-I

If we have been at all fortunate in ttam a Whig, but not an ultra Whig. If elected brief exposition we have attempted in this I would not be the mere President of a party. article, of what constitutes, in our juc I would endeavor to act independent of party ment, the sum and essence of Whig pano domination. I should feel bound to administer ples, the reader who agrees to these po the government untrammelled by party schemes. ciples cannot fail to discern at once.

Second. The veto power. The power given perusing this letter, that if there te a by the Constitution to the executive to interpose Whig in this land—his own word being a his veto, is a high conservative power; but in my opinion should never be exercised except in ken for it—Zachary Taylor is one. LIE cases of clear violation of the Constitution, or

be remembered all the while, that God manifest haste and want of consideration by Taylor is no partisan-has not been breas: Congress. Indeed, I have thought that, for up in the school of party—and is List many years past, the known opinions and wishes from the camp and the field, to be our ca of the Executive have exercised undue and in- didate for President. Agreeing with jurious influence upon the legislative department of the Government; and for this cause I hare fully in feeling and sentiment, what she thought our system was in danger of undergoing we expect him to say more than he he a great change from its true theory. The per- said in this letter? Do we want him k sonal opinions of the individual who may hap- I be the President of a party, and aut

President of the nation? Do we want him | taken place in the ranks of the “Democratto be less modest and distrustful of him- ic” party. Of this there does not remain a self than he appears? Do we want a vin- doubt. The only question is whether the dictive party chief in the Presidential of proper Whig strength of the country is to fice, rather than one who has “no enemies be given to General Taylor, or whether a to punish-nothing to serve but his coun- portion of it-any considerable portion of try?" Is it not enough that he has “great it--is to be withheld from him, and carried cardinal principles which will regulate his over to what is called the “ Free Soil political life," and those principles held in party.” The Free Soil party of 1844 seexact accordance with our own ? Must we cured the election of Mr. Polk, the annexexact in the way of pledges from our candi- ation of Texas, the war with Mexico, and date, be he who he may, "impressions upon the acquisition by conquest of other vast matters of policy, which may be right to regions, much of which slavery now claims day and wrong to-morrow?” Do we want for her own. The Free Soil party, under a President who will go into office armed its new auspices, may render another like with the imperial power of the veto, and service to the country by the election of resolved to exercise it as a part of the General Cass, if it can find Whigs enough ordinary legislative authority of the Gov- to help them. We can understand and ernment; or are we content to have one entertain some respect for those quondam who regards the veto as “a high conser- “Democrats” who, professing to plant vative power," to be employed only on themselves on a new issue, in which high and extraordinary occasions ? Can Hunkerism is their strongest and worst we not be satisfied with a President who enemy, make up a third party, and present proposes to allow Congress to do its own a third candidate, with a present, specific, work, in its own way, without the exercise practical design in view-namely, the cerof any “undue and injurious influence" lain defeat of the regular or Hunker canfrom him ? What can we ask more than didate, not through their own success, (of that “the will of the people, as expressed which they have not the most distant through their representatives in Congress," idea,) but through the success of the on the subjects of the Tariff, the Cur- Whigs. But what shall we say of Whigs rency, and the improvement of our great who join themselves to this movement at highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors,” shall this time, with the absolute certainty “ be respected and carried out by the Ex- staring them in the face, that every vote ecutive ?” Can we ask for a better man given by them to this third party is just so of peace than Gen. Taylor, who, soldier much done towards securing the election, though he be, “looks upon war, at all not of the third party candidate, but of Gentimes, and under all circumstances, as a eral Cass? We suppose we may say withnational calamity, to be avoided if compat- out offence, that Whigs who prefer General ible with national honor ?" And if we Cass for President to General Taylor, for are “opposed to the subjugation of other any reason whatever, are certainly no Whigs nations, and the dismemberment of other at all. Their associates in the third party, countries by conquest,” if we are opposed the "Barnburners,” and perhaps all the to the policy which would teach us to rest, prefer General Taylor, and go ex“quit our own soil to stand on foreign pressly for the defeat of Cass. And cerground,” can we have a better or safer tainly they are right, if Free Soil” is man to stand at the helm of government really what they are after. It is Congress than Gen. Taylor ?

that is to be looked to to keep slavery out Beyond all reasonable doubt, either of the new territories, in the provisions General Taylor or General Cass must be it shall make on the subject of TerriOur next President. And those who have torial Government. General Cass will veto looked carefully over the whole field can- any law of Congress which provides for not fail to see, that the proper Whig the authoritative exclusion of slavery from strength of the country is abundantly suf- these territories. To this he is committed. icient to secure General Taylor's election General Taylor, by the express terms of over his “ Democratic” competitor, at least his letter to Captain Allison, is pledged Since the irreconcilable division which has not to interpose objections—if he should

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have any—to deliberate acts of legislation, of them, in regard to the admission of “where questions of constitutional power slavery into it, at least they will expect have been settled by the various depart- every Northern Whig to stand up stoutly ments of Government and acquiesced in against it, and they will honor him for by the people.” And precedents are doing so. Let the great national party scattered through the whole history of the of Whigs have the sway in this country, Government, of legislation by Congress on and the Nroth will have nothing to lear the subject of slavery in the territories, from the encroachments of slavery. with the acquiescence of every department North and South, it is a common sentiof the Government and of the people. ment with Whigs that slavery is a great We may conclude, unless all present in- evil, political and moral: they have never dications are delusive, that no enactment done, and never will do, anything to eswill be made by the American Congress tend and perpetuate it. They endure for establishing governments in the new slavery where the Constitution endures it; territories, which are now free, without but they do not nourish and nurse it as a some express provision to keep them free. benefit and a blessing. Zachary Taylor It is probable that these territories will be is a slaveholder, and so was Washington; sooner left to take care of themselves, in but Washington had no love for slavery, their own way, until ready to knock at and Taylor has as little. And we believe our doors for admission into our Union as religiously, that the powers of this Gorefree States. Every indication shows this ment are as little likely to be employed, e to be the resolution of the North. Gener- perverted, to extend or favor slavery in the al Taylor as President cannot and will not hands of Gen. Taylor, as they were in the stand in the way of this policy. He will hands of the father of his country. We have nothing to do with it, because it is one believe Gen. Taylor will do all things well of those subjects that belong exclusively in the presidential office. His character is to the legislative department, and he will that of a sensible, just, honest, and humane exercise no “undue and injurious influ- man. The elements of his composition are ence" on that department. Oregon has all good; he has good instincts and a solid been taking care of itself, and we suppose judgment. There is nothing in his nature that New Mexico and California may take or in his disposition to make him go wrong care of themselves in like manner. At neither envy, nor malice, nor revenge. Det any rate, Congress will look after the ter- meanness, nor low cunning, nor a spiritu ritories if any body, and not General Tay- intrigue, nor a wicked ambition. He is! lor, if he is President. What do Whigs-man very difficult to deceive or to mislesd what do Northern Whigs want more than He is apt to be right, he knows when this ? What will they gain, those of them is right, and he is as iron-willed when be who are wedded to this one idea of Free is right as Gen. Jackson was when be wa Soil, by aiding to elect General Cass ? for wrong. Such are all accounts of b that is the effect of their adherence to the character. We look to see him suppord Free Soil party, in preference to their own. not by Whigs only, but by sober men On all this subject of slavery, and especial all sides, irrespective of party. We ly in reference to the new territories, the not advise his nomination, but now that Whigs of the North have only to stand by is nominated, we advocate his elect the compromises of the Constitution, and we believe his election will prove a ble stand on just national ground, and the ing to the country, and to the whole cos Whigs of the South will meet them fairly try; and it will be a double blessin, fit and generously. Southern Whigs in both it will keep out Gen. Cass, whose poats houses of Congress, with a single excep- that of Spoils at home, and War, Coques tion in each, went with Northern Whigs to and extended Dominion abroad. I a man, against the policy of acquiring an- stanch the bleeding wounds, and heal the other inch of territory from Mexico. And putrefying sores and bruises of this battery whatever Whigs of the South may feel Republic, and bring back to us peace, compelled to do, on their part, now that pose, a good name, and an honest * such territory has been acquired in spite 1 derity.




Now call unto me all the prophets of Ba'al, all his servants, and all his priests ; let none be wanting: for I have a great sacrifice to do to Ba’al. And all the worshippers of Ba'al came, and the house of Ba'al was full from one end to another. And Jehu said to the captains and the guard: Go in and slay them; let none come forth! And they smote them with the edge of the sword, and cast them out, and brought forth the images from the house of Ba’al and burned them, and brake down the temple, and made it a draught-house to this day.—2 Kings X. 19–27.

The distance between Damascus and those astonishing transitions in temperature Ba'albek is eighteen hours, or forty-five from the Egyptian heat of the valley, to miles, and is generally accomplished in the Alpine chilliness of the plateau. We two days. The road winds through the were surrounded by distant mountains. valleys plateaus of Jebel-Zebdany, North-west the high ruddy peaks of Nebythe northern part of the Anti-Lebanon, a Abel gradually rose on our sight, as we in country more fertile and interesting than four hours approached the village el-Huthat through which the traveller passes on seiniyeh, lying on the steep offset of the the caravan route by Demas. The morning mountain, in an elevated position above of the 24th of May was cool and agreeable. the valley of the Burradá. On its opposite We left the Italian hotel at an early hour, bank, amidst groves of fruit-trees, appeared and following the road through the sub- the convent el-Kanun and several villages. urbs and gardens, we, on the height of Sa- This place is celebrated in Arab tradition. lahieh, took our last farewell of the happy Cain, say the Arabs, having slain his brother, plain of Damascus. The ascent above at the altar of Kashioun, in the Ghutah, Salahieh is rough and deeply furrowed north of Damascus, where the first parents through the limestone rock. On our left then dwelt, took the corpse on his shoulwas the pass of Rabah, through which ders, and not knowing what to do with his he foaming Burradá forces its passage brother, whose profound sleep did not yield owards the Ghutah. A frightful precipice, to his exertions to awaken him, he waneveral hundred feet high, here overhangs dered lamenting along the banks of the he glen, to which we descended by a cir- river. There he saw a raven scraping, uitous road ; and in an hour we arrived at with his beak, a hole in the earth, in which he large village of Dummar, where we he buried one of his own species ; and this rossed the river on a stone bridge. The suggested to Cain the idea, that the rigid bundance of water which is led off | sleep of his brother required a different hrough the gardens by numberless chan- couch from usual. He then dug a grave els, the rich, loamy soil, and the deep on the mountain as a resting-place for the identure of the valley, protected on the dead. A monument on the top of the orth and west by ridges of the Anti-Leb- mountain was supposed to be the tomb of non, give a tropical luxuriance to the Abel. getation.

Immense plantains, poplars, After an hour's delay at the mill of elid fig, walnut, and chestnut trees, in- Huseiniyeh, we continued our route between rlaced with vinés, overbang the banks of the mountain and the steep bank of the le river, and continue for miles to form a river, and soon arrived at the highly roense and beautiful grove along the road. mantic pass of Suk-Wady-Burradá. In ut instead of following the sinuosities of the very mouth of the defile are situated ady-Burradá, we once more crossed the two villages in an elevated position above ream, and ascended to the barren and the river, which runs between them. The eary table-land el-Jedid. The wind blew houses on both sides stand grouped on tersbly down from the snow-topped Mount races descending rapidly to the channel of ermon, and we again experienced one of the boiling and foaming river below. VOL. II.



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