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military chief serving in the field against the common enemy shall no longer be compromised by their expression or discussion in any matter." In another letter still, he held this language :—" If I have been named by others, and considered a candidate for the Presidency, it has been by no agency of mine in the matter; and if the good people think my services important in that station and elect me, I will feel bound to serve them; and all the pledges and explanations I can enter into and make, as regards this or that policy, is that I will do so honestly and faithfully to the best of my abilities, strictly in compliance with the Constitution. Should I ever occupy the White House, it must be by the spontaneous move of the people, and by no act of mine, so that I could go into the office untrammelled, and be the chief magistrate of the nation and not of a party."

All who remember the correspondence between the Department of War and General Taylor—the want of support of which he had constantly to complain, and the manifest jealousy of the administration towards him on account of his successes— will be at no loss to understand what the General means, when he objects to the agitation of the subject of the Presidency by the use of his name, and especially by any party, so long as he had such high duties in the field to perform, and for the efficient performance of which it was so necessary that he should have, as far as possible, the full confidence both of the country and of the administration. It was not for him, voluntarily, or by any act whatever of his own, to place himself openly before the country in an attitude of political hostility to the President and his administration, under whose orders he was operating in the field against the public enemy. If the people in any quarter should spontaneously move in the matter, he could not help it. He would do nothing to encourage any movement of the sort whatever, and as for political parties, arrayed in opposition to the administration, he would not, whatever might be his private opinions, take such a time to identify himself with any of them. At home, and in civil life, he could say, "I am a Whig, -"d shall ever be devoted, in individual ^""O, to the principles of that party;"

but here I am a soldier, serving my ceun try and my w hole country; and here, in the face of the public enemy, under the orders of my constitutional Commanderin-Chief, I am an American—I have no party. My time, my talents, my energies, shall all be devoted to this sen ice *bik thus employed, and no part of either will I give towards making myself a party to any movement—especially by any political combination—for my elevation to the Presidential office.

It is also true, undoubtedly, aside from the consideration just stated, that Gen Taylor was then, and has been all the while, averse to his being looked upon by his countrymen as o mere party man. He claimed to be something more and better than this, and in giving voice to this feeling, he has sometimes uttered strong expressions, which need to be taken in connection with the character and professiooi occupations of the man, in order to bi rightly understood. As a soldier, on Vl exposed and responsible post of duty, i: seemed to him proper that he should be an American, and nothing else. As i patriot, and one who, though "a Wk: and devoted in individual opinion to liprinciples of that party," was also a soldi? and "no politician, having always b*k himself aloof from the clamors of partpolitics," he would have been glad, if suer a thing were possible, that once more sir the case of Washington, not to mentkc that of Monroe, a President of these Unite States might be elected by the comiai": voice of the people, and without their & vision into rancorous and hostile parc» At any rate, he seemed resolved from «b* first, so far as he was concerned, nvt ■ give encouragement to any mere party <rganization to make him their candid** The manner in which he constantly repc* the repeated advances of the "Sac* American" party, is very significant. B£ his language was consistent towards «parties. He did not desire to be a "^ party candidate, or elected to be tbo ex?nent of any mere party doctrines. If e^-' ed at all, he wished to be left at BVr; and he resolved he would be, to "1*4 ■ the Constitution, and to the high mwof our common country, and not to principles of a party, for his rales tion." Where the principles of'* {

greed with his own, and squared, at the ame time, both with the Constitution and he high interests of the country, of course e would have no difficulty about them, or bout his "rules of action;" and this, as re shall see directly, is exactly the state f things, and exactly his position in reard to the principles of the Whig party. Icn. Taylor thought it more becoming the igh dignity of such a position as that of resident of the United States, or that of

candidate for the Presidency, to declare iat "the Constitution, in a strict and onest interpretation, and in the spirit and lode in which it was acted upon by the irlier Presidents, would be his chief nide" in that high office, rather than romise to do the will and bidding of any irty. And he thought also, no doubt— id he adhered for a long time, with char:teristic and honest pertinacity, to this ea and this hope—that a President, though wwn to entertain sentiments consonant

those of a particular party, and therere supported as the nominee of that irty, would be all the more fortunate and ippy, and all the more likely to be useful

his country, if receiving at the same ne a popular support, irrespective of irty. They were strictly popular moveents, or so they seemed to him, which st presented his name for President, and was in response to such movements that 5 assent to the use of his name was first cen. Having consented to occupy that «ition, it was not for him to withdraw >m it, though others might withdraw m if they chose. It was not inconsistent th that position that he should receive d accept the nomination of a party, at ist of the Whig party, with whose prinJes his own were in accordance; but en it was necessary this should be done thout exacting from him any mere party sdges.

Such, according to our understanding of i matter, was the position of Gen. Tay

down to the time of the holding of the iladelphia Convention. He was already :ore the people, in some quarters, as a pular candidate irrespective of party, e question now was, whether he should

made the candidate of the Whig party. this he was willing to assent; two ngs, however, being expressly underled. One was, that he could not him

self withdraw his own name as a popular candidate, in order to stand in the list of candidates before the Convention; but he agreed that those friends of his who came into this Convention with his name, did, by that act, so far as they were concerned, pledge themselves, and were bound, to sustain the nominee of the Convention, whoever he might be. Considering the attitude in which these friends stood towards him, this was virtually a withdrawal of his name wholly from the canvass, in the event of some other person receiving the nomination of the Convention. The other thing to be understood in his behalf was, that in no event should any pledges be exacted of him as the candidate of the Whig party, beyond what might be implied in the sentiments already freely expressed by him.

The question presents itself, whether the Convention had sufficient evidence of the political sentiments of Gen. Taylor, to justify them, as Whigs, in putting him in nomination, in the face of his declaration, that he would give them no pledges beyond the general avowal of his sentiments already before the public. What then was known of his political opinions at the sitting of the Convention? We venture to say, as much was known as could be known of the opinions of any man not actually brought up in the din and strife of party politics. He had already in repeated instances declared that he was a Whig, though he took care uniformly to qualify the declaration with the remark, that he was not an ultra Whig. Still he was a Whig, and "should ever be devoted, in individual opinion, to the principles of that parly."

But he did not rest finally in this general declaration. After the war was virtually over, and he was withdrawn from the field, he put forth a more explicit and full declaration of his opinions. And we propose now to place that document on record, at length, in this journal, received as it was—in our judgment properly received— as satisfactory to the Convention which nominated Gen. Taylor to the Presidency, and worthy to be received everywhere, by all true Whigs, as an exposition of his principles, highly creditable to him, and wholly satisfactory to them. The letter alluded to follows, and the best Whig in the land may study it with profit and advantage:— 'resident of the nation? Do we want him o be less modest and distrustful of himelf than he appears? Do we want a vinlictive party chief in the Presidential ofice, rather than one who has " no enemies o punish—nothing to serve but his counry?" Is it not enough that he has "great ardinal principles which will regulate his oliucal life," and those principles held in xact accordance with our own? Must we xact in the way of pledges from ourcandiate, be he who he may, "impressions upon latters of policy, which may be right toay and wrong to-morrow?" Do we want President who will go into office armed :ith the imperial power of the veto, and solved to exercise it as a part of the rdinary legislative authority of the Govrnment; or are we content to have one rho regards the veto as "a high conserative power," to be employed only on igh and extraordinary occasions? Can e not be satisfied with a President who roposes to allow Congress to do its own 'ork, in its own way, without the exercise F any "undue and injurious influence" om him? What can we ask more than jat " the will of the people, as expressed irough their representatives in Congress," n the subjects of the Tariff, the Curjncy, and the improvement of our great ighways, rivers, lakes, and harbors," shall be respected and carried out by the Ex:utive?" Can we ask for a better man f peace than Gen. Taylor, who, soldier wugh he be, "looks upon war, at all mes, and under all circumstances, as a ational calamity, to be avoided if compatile with national honor?" And if we •e " opposed to the subjugation of other utions, and the dismemberment of other )untries by conquest," if we are opposed > the policy which would teach us to quit our own soil to stand on foreign round," can we have a better or safer an to stand at the helm of government lan Gen. Taylor?

Baton Rouge, April 22, 1848.

Dear Sir:—My opinions have recently been so often misconceived and misrepresented, that I deem it due to myself, if not to my friends, to make a brief exposition of them upon the topics to which you have called my attention.

I have consented to the use of my name as a candidate for the Presidency. I have frankly avowed my own distrust of my fitness for that high station; but having, at the solicitation of many of my countrymen, taken my position as a candidate, I do not feel at liberty to surrender that position until my friends manifest a wish that I should retire from it. I will then most gladly do so. I have no private purposes to accomplish, no party projects to build up, no enemies to punish—nothing to serve but my country.

I have been very often addressed by letter, and my opinions have been asked upon almost every question that might occur to the writers as affecting the interests of their country or their party. I have not always responded to these inquiries, for various reasons.

I confess, whilst / have great cardinal principles which will regulate my political life, I am not sufficiently familiar with all the minute details of political legislation to give solemn pledges to exert my influence, if I were President, to carry out this or defeat that measure. I have no concealment. I hold no opinion which I would not readily proclaim to my assembled countrymen; but crude impressions upon matters of policy, which may be right to-day and wrong to-morrow, are, perhaps, not the best test of fitness for office. One who cannot be trusted without pledges cannot be confided in merely on account of them.

I will proceed, however, now to respond to your inquiries.

First. 1 reiterate what I have often said—I am a Whig, but not an ultra Whig. If elected I would not be the mere President of a party. I would endeavor to act independent of party domination. I should feel bound to administer the government untrammelled bv party schemes.

Second. The veto power. The power given by the Constitution to the executive to interpose his veto, is a high conservative power; but in my opinion should never be exercised except in cases of clear violation of the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress. Indeed, I hare [thought that, for many years past, the known opinions and wishes of the Executive have exercised undue and injurious influenceupon the legislative department of the Government; and for this cause I have thought our system was in danger cf undergoing a great change from its true theory. The personal opinions of the individual who may hap

pen to occupy the Executive chair, ought wi control the action of Congress upon questwv d domestic policy; nor ought his objections tobe::terposed where questions of constitutional pen;: have been settled by the varions departmafc of government and acquiesced in by the penp>

Third. Upon the subjects of the tariff tic currency, the improvement of our great bifbways, rivers, lakes, and harbor?, the will of tbe people, as expressed through their Repre^iatives in Congress, ought to be respected »* carried out by the Executive.

Fourth. The Mexican war. I sincereh rejoice at the prospect of peace. My life te been devoted to arms, yet I look upon m e all times and under all circumstances uu tional calamity, to be avoided if corancii with national honor. The principles of Government, as well as its true j»/tey, an- & posed to the subjugation of other nation?»:, the dismemberment of other countries by c* quest. In the language of the great Wa«hi:rton, " Why should we quit onrown to stjaiac foreign ground?" In the Mexican war <? national honor has been vindicated, ampk radicated, and in dictating terras of peace. «• may well afford to be forbearing and eta magnanimous to our fallen foe.

These are my opinions upon the str^rt referred to by you; and any reports or ptbf cations, written or verbal, from any source, Heing in any essential particular from sbfc • here written, are unauthorized and untrue.

I do not know that I shall again write op the subject of national politics. I shall enr*? in no schemes, no combinations, no intripa If the American people have not confide&.f e me, they ought not to give me their suffn?If they do not, you know me well enoagii 9 believe me when I declare I shall be coos* I am too old a soldier to murmur against •»' high authority. Z. TAYLOR

To Capt. J. S. Allison.

If we have been at all fortunate in '■!» brief exposition we have attempted in article, of what constitutes, in our ji ment, the sum and essence of Whig ys* pies, the reader- who agrees to the*; f~ciples cannot fail to discern at once. • perusing this letter, that if there M Whig in this land—his own word briri'J ken for it—Zachary Taylor is one. L-ll be remembered all the while, that 0«j Taylor is no partisan—has not been bn'^j up in the school of party—and is >s from the camp and the field, tobeotr didate for President. Agreeing fit!1 fully in feeling and sentiment, what sfo we expect him to say more than l* said in this letter? Do we want bid' be tbe President of a party,, and Do:

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Beyond all reasonable doubt, either eneral Taylor or General Cass must be ir next President. And those who have oked carefully over the whole field canit fail to see, that the proper Whig rcngth of the country is abundantly suf:itnt to secure General Taylor's election rer his " Democratic " competitor, at least nee the irreconcilable division which has

taken place in the ranks of the " Democratic" party. Of this there does not remain a doubt. The only question is whether the proper Whig strength of the country is to be given to General Taylor, or whether a portion of it—any considerable portion of it—is to be withheld from him, and carried over to what is called the "Free Soil party." The Free Soil party of 1844 secured the election of Mr. Polk, the annexation of Texas, the war with Mexico, and the acquisition by conquest of other vast regions, much of which slavery now claims for her own. The Free Soil party, under its new auspices, may render another like service to the country by the election of General Cass, if it can find Whigs enough to help them. We can understand and entertain some respect for those quondam "Democrats" who, professing to plant themselves on a new issue, in which Hunkerism is their strongest and worst enemy, make up a third party, and present a third candidate, with a present, specific, practical design in view—namely, the certain defeat of the regular or Hanker candidate, not through their own success, (of which they have not the most distant idea,) but through the success of the Whigs. But what shall we say of Whigs who join themselves to this movement at this time, with the absolute certainty staring them in the face, that every vote given by them to this third party is just so much done towards securing the election, not of the third party candidate, but of General Cass? We suppose we may say without offence, that Whigs who prefer General Cass for President to General Taylor, for any reason whatever, are certainly no Whigs at all. Their associates in the third party, the "Barnburners," and perhaps all the rest, prefer General Taylor, and go expressly for the defeat of Cass. And certainly they are right, if "Free Soil" is really what they are after. It is Congress that is to be looked to to keep slavery out of the new territories, in the provisions it shall make on the subject of Territorial Government. General Cass will veto any law of Congress which provides for the authoritative exclusion of slavery from these territories. To this he is committed. General Taylor, by the express terms of his letter to Captain Allison, is pledged not to interpose objections—if he should

have any—to deliberate acts of legislation, "where questions of constitutional power have been settled by the various departments of Government and acquiesced in by the people." And precedents are scattered through the whole history of the Government, of legislation by Congress on the subject of slavery in the territories, with the acquiescence of every department of the Government and of the people. We may conclude, unless all present indications are delusive, that no enactment will be made by the American Congress for establishing governments in the new territories, which are now free, without some express provision to keep them free. It is probable that these territories will be sooner left to take care of themselves, in their own way, until ready to knock at our doors for admission into our Union as free States. Every indication shows this to be the resolution of the North. General Taylor as President cannot and will not stand in the way of this policy. He will have nothing to do with it, because it is one of those subjects that belong exclusively to the legislative department, and he will exercise no "undue and injurious influence " on that department. Oregon has been taking care of itself, and we suppose that New Mexico and California may take care of themselves in like manner. At any rate, Congress will look after the territories if anybody, and not General Taylor, if he is President. What do Whigs— what do Northern Whigs want more than this? What will they gain, those of them who are wedded to this one idea of Free Soil, by aiding to elect General Cass? for that is the effect of their adherence to the Free Soil party, in preference to their own. On all this subject of slavery, and especially in reference to the new territories, the Whigs of the North have only to stand by the compromises of the Constitution, and stand on just national ground, and the Whigs of the South will meet them fairly and generously. Southern Whigs in both houses of Congress, with a single exception in each, went with Northern Whigs to a man, against the policy of acquiring another inch of territory from Mexico. And whatever Whigs of the South may feel compelled to do, on their part, now that such territory has been acquired in spite

of them, in regard to the admission 4 slavery into it, at least they will eirw. every Northern Whig to stand up stoutly against it, and they will honor him for doing so. Let the great national psrty of Whigs have the sway in this country. and the Nroth will have nothing to feu from the encroachments of slavery.

North and South, it is a common sealment with Whigs that slavery is a grtii evil, political and moral: they have w done, and never will do, anything to ntend and perpetuate it. They ente slavery where the Constitution endures k; but they do not nourish and nurse h is» benefit and a blessing. Zachary Taykr is a slaveholder, and so was Washing^: but Washington had no love for slawry. and Taylor has as little. And we be&ef religiously, that the powers of this Gover ment are as little likely to be employed, c perverted, to extend or favor slavery in tb< hands of Gen. Taylor, as they were in tk hands of the father of his country. ^« believe Gen. Taylor will do all things 'rein the presidential office. His character s that of a sensible, just, honest, and hunstt man. The elements of his composition i~< all good; he has good instincts and a soss judgment. There is nothing in his nanm or in his disposition to make him go wrong, neither envy, nor malice, nor revenge, nwj meanness, nor low cunning, nor a spirit o: intrigue, nor a wicked ambition. He B I man very difficult to deceive or to mislac He is apt to be right, he knows whec * is right, and he is as iron-willed when Itis right as Gen. Jackson was when he TM wrong. Such are all accounts d I* character. We look to see him supportei not by Whigs only, but by sober men i" all sides, irrespective of party. We <W not advise his nomination, but now that at is nominated, we advocate his ekcon We believe his election will prove a basing to the country, and to the whole ««■ try; and it will be a double blessing, ** it will keep out Gen. Cass, whose poocys that of Spoils at home, and War, Cooqw^ and extended Dominion abroad. It ** stanch the bleeding wounds, and beal * putrefying sores and bruises of this bsttc-'w Republic, and bring back to us peace. ~~ pose, a good name, and an honest pn»derity. D.D.B.

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