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expected of him that he will know how to military chest. In all this, Gen. Cass was carry out this policy, and he has shown a privy counsellor, and a principal adviser abundantly already, that no constitutional and supporter of the President, and now impediments will be allowed to stand in stands, as far as he and his friends hare his way. He would not hesitate to make the ability, as the lawful successor and inwar on his own responsibility, as Mr. Polk heritor of the powers of the Presidential has done, with his full sanction and sup- office as wielded by Mr. Polk. Of the port. All the blandishments of Executive prerogatives belonging to this office, when patronage and power would be freely once war has been begun, we have Gen. used by him, as they have been by Mr. Cass's opinion very explicitly propounded Polk, with his full assent and approval, in the Senate chamber. “ Congress," he both with Congress and with the people, declared, “could neither give him the in furtherance of whatever schemes or en- President) the power to carry on the war, terprises he might see fit to undertake. NOR CONTROL THAT WAR." His “ DemoWe who are Whigs look with equal disgust cratic” creed teaches that Congress is noand horror on such doctrines and practices. thing, or next to nothing, in the governOpposed to war, conquest, and territorial ment, and the President is everything. extension, and seeing how every kind of Nor is this a new or accidental doctrine dishonest, wanton, and dangerous policy with him. It is the faith in which he has and practice is made to hang on the Execu- lived from Gen. Jackson's day to this. It tive will, is promoted by Executive usurpa- was the doctrine of that stern, self-willed, tions, or by the corrupt and wicked appli- and wrong-headed old man, that the Presi ances of Executive power, we are more dent is to support the Constitution "AS and more confirmed and earnest in our HE UNDERSTANDS IT, and not as it is under advocacy and maintenance of the great stood by others." His doctrine was, thai fundamental principle of our political faith, “the opinion of the Supreme Court," which insists that the President must be though formally pronounced in a judicia. reduced from the monstrous growth to case, “ought not lo control the co-ordinate which he has attained under “Democratic" authorities of this government.' « The dominancy, back again to the legitimate opinion of the Judges has no more authority proportions assigned him by the Constitu- over Congress than the opinion of Congress tion. We want a Constitutional Executive, has over the Judges, and, on that point, THE not a monocrat, at the head of this gov- PRESIDENT IS INDEPENDENT OF BOTH. ernment. We want an honest and a modest And this was not a mere theoretica man to fill the Executive office, one who opinion of the “old Roman." He acted shall feel that the weight of his proper upon it officially. In 1832, he based up constitutional duties is quite enough for it a veto of an important law passed to him to bear, without seeking to take upon Congress, and which had previously by his shoulders the added burthen of all the judicial sanction of the Supreme Court other powers of government, legitimate or as to its constitutionality. And he da: illegitimate.
more than this. He refused to carry the But it is not only in such important mat- | law into erecution, as it had been pro ters as annexation, war, and conquest, that nounced by the Supreme Court, in the case the President has been known to take an of the missionaries, Butler and Worcester improper lead, and carry measures with a who, for the exercise of their holy obce: high hand. In the course and prosecution Georgia, had been sentenced to impris of the recent war, nothing in the way of ment in the penitentiary of that Suite * exercising unaccorded powers was too bold hard labor for a term of years, under e or flagrant for Mr. Polk to attempt. He unconstitutional law; and he left these assumed, and exercised, the right of estab- nocent victims to their fate. It very p. lishing civil government over provinces erly fell to the part of Gen. Cass the and peoples conquered by the American Secretary of War, to convey to the arms. And he established, by his personal terested in the matter the tinal dek masa authority, a regular system of taxation and tion of the President. This he did revenue in all places held under military letter dated Nov. 14, 1831, and in enbjection, for the independent use of his the President's refusal to execute the jer
was placed expressly on his own opinion of | No power is “an appropriate function" of
the validity of the statute of Georgia, in his office but such as the Constitution i opposition to the judicial opinion and judg- makes appropriate. We think and believe, ment of the Supreme Court.
if the President shall be confined strictly The “Democratic" doctrine of the su- to his constitutional powers and duties, premacy of the Executive over the law, that we shall have no executive wars, no
and over all other departments of the gov- wars of conquest, no gratified lust after : ernment, has been illustrated in other cases, foreign possessions and territories, no an
and has been too uniformly held and acted nexation, no burthensome debts and grindon in the last twenty years to allow us to ing taxation, no intermeddling or corrupt regard it as in any way casual or acciden- tampering with Congress, and no vetoes of tal
. The country has not forgotten when acts of ordinary legislation. Congress Gen. Jackson “ took the responsibility” of will be left to its own independent action, removing the public moneys in the treasury and the Supreme Court to its integrity. of the United States from the custody of With all this, however, “ Democracy” is at the law to his own personal keeping, or a odds and enmity. keeping under his personal orders. He It belongs to the political faith of the challenged to himself the right to seize Whig party, as a principle in their creed, and control the money in the treasury, that the powers given to the Government where the law had placed it, on the ground of the Union should be faithfully used for that "the custody of the public property” | the advancement of the common good
AN APPROPRIATE FUNCTION OF THE and the common prosperity of the nation. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT in this and all other We hold that the power to lay duties and governments.' Congress," he said, "can raise revenue, and the power over comnot, therefore, take out of the hands of the merce, should be skilfully and beneficially Erecutive department the custody of the employed. The employment of these public property or money, without an as- powers belongs exclusively to Congress. sumplion of Executive power, and a subver- So does the power over the territories and sion of the first principles of the Constitu- other property, and over the money of the tion.” And it is precisely on this wild and United States. We think that the finanlawless doctrine of Executive powers held, cial plans and fiscal system of the Governnot under the Constitution, but as ment should be arranged and established APPROPRIATE FUNCTION of the Executive by Congress, with proper reference to the department in this and all other govern- interests and business affairs of the people, ments," that Mr. Polk has acted, and justi- as well as to the convenience of the Govfied his action, in setting up governments ernment. We think the revenue system and exercising the sovereign right of taxa- should be adjusted with some proper refcion in countries conquered by our arms. erence and regard to the industry and And this is “Democratic" doctrine. The labor of the country of every kind, as af
Democratic” Convention at Baltimore fected by foreign importations and the leclared, the other day, “that the confi- state of trade. We think that navigation lence of the Democracy of the Union in should be protected along with commerce, he principles," &c., of Mr. Polk, had “been and commercial facilities increased on the ignally justified by the strictness of his ad- sea-board, around the great lakes, and erence to sound Democratic doctrines.” along the courses of the great rivers, by ind Gen. Cass, the nominee of the party judicious expenditures of the public money or the succession to this high office, to for works of necessary improvement. hich such "appropriate functions” belong, These are measures of national benefit and eyond and above the Constitution, an advantage which the Whig party are glad unces that he had carefully read the to contemplate, and which they will feel it solutions of the Convention, and gave their duty to urge on the attention of the em bis cordial approval.
proper department of the Government, It is the first article in the Whig creed whenever the “Democracy,” with its pesat the President is not to exercise power tilent doctrines, shall lose its hold on the "an appropriate function" of his office, power of that department. ich the Constitution does not give him. But, of course, it is to Congress, and not
to the President, that we look for these sire to see this nation built up in virtue
It is in Congress, and not in and moral greatness, as well as in wealth the President, that the power over these and physical grandeur, and enjoying Libsubjects resides. If the President to be erty, supported by Law, Order, Goodness, elected for the next term should agree and Truth, he is no Whig. with us in regard to the importance of ZACHARY Taylor has been presented to these measures, he may, as the Constitu- the People of the United States tion directs, in his discretion, recommend didate for the Presidency, by a National the consideration of them to Congress; or Convention assembled at Philadelphia. Congress may consider them without his This was a party convention, composed of recommendation. But we do not look Whigs, and convened according to the apto him, however favorably or strongly in- proved usages of that party in such cases. clined towards these measures, for any Probably no party convention ever met in influence in their behalf other than that this country which combined in its compowhich the Constitution contemplates and sition more talent or more patriotism. The prescribes ; least of all do we expect him results of its deliberations and its recomto undertake to force them on an unwilling mendations ought, we think, to come to Congress, by threats of displeasure or the Whigs of the United States with the promises of favor or reward. As Whigs force of some authority. General Taylor we shall be satisfied, and we are bound by was nominated by a strong majority over our principles to be satisfied, first with his all competitors on a fourth ballot. From recommendation of them, if such shall be the first, his vote was not confined to single his opinion, and next with his allowing States, or to any particular section. We ! Congress to do its own work in relation to known and honored Whigs from New Eng these subjects, without the interposition of land, and from the Middle and Western his veto on the results of their labors. States, voted, from the beginning, for Eis
We think it must, by this time, be ap- nomination. We have seen no eriders parent to the reader who has followed us nor heard of any, that the Conventina thus far, what, in our estimation, are the was infected with any corruption, or acted distinctive principles of the Whig party, under any delusion or deception. If party and also what sort of principles a candi- organization is a necessary or desirabie date for the Presidency ought to hold in thing, we do not see how its action in ths order to be acceptable, as such, to the instance can well be repudiated. Thisme Whig party. As we have said, we are a who are Whigs and mean to continue sucı conservative party, as well as a party of and who believe that they can offer patri progress. We want a President who otic service to the country in no obnom knows his place when he is in it, who will party combination so well as in this, take the Constitution for his guide and feel bound, we suppose, to give the bacs counsellor, and who will be content with nation of General Taylor a hearty supper the limited authority it clothes him with. certainly they will do so, unless it sta We want a President who will leave it to appear that the Convention which pro Congress, under such official recommenda- sented his name, acted under some para tion as he shall deem it necessary or expe- ble mistake or error, in regard to in dient to give, to shape the policy of the character of the man, and the privile government for the time, so far as it may entertained by him. If it had appear depend on legislation-and nearly every- or should turn out, that a Whig Xanici thing of direct interest to the people does Convention, like that assembled at Pt depend, by the Constitution, on the legis- delphia, had nominated a man who lative department. We want an honest not a Whig in sentiment at all, or wbiz President, one who, with Whig sentiments defects of character or fitness, was ook and feelings in his heart, shall be the Pre-thy of the support of a great party, sident of the nation, and not of a party. should certainly hope to see characters If he be not thus honest and patriotic, he is consistency enough in the party to me no Whig, be he who or what he may. If such a nomination. But we think, si he do not rule by the Constitution, and in same time, that a strong array off the fear of God, and with an anxious de- / would be required to convince candid W
that a Whig Convention had really fallen politics, I am a Whig, and shall ever be deinto so strange a mistake.
voted in individual opinion to the principles of It is undoubtedly true that Gen. Taylor, that party. Even if the subject which you have up to the time of his nomination by the in your letter opened to me were acceptable at
any time, I have not the leisure to attend to it Philadelphia Convention, had not, by, any now; the vigorous prosecution of the war with prominent act or action, on his part, iden- Mexico, so important to the interests of my tified himself with any party combination country, demands every moment of my present whatever. He had been nearly all his life time, and it is my great desire to bring it to a a soldier, living in camps, and serving his speedy and honorable termination.”
country in the field. For many years he E had been stationed on service upon our
He continued to be plied with commuremote Western frontier, or in the Indian nications on this subject, and he continued countries. He had been in no manner to answer, when he thought himself commixed up with politics or politioal parties. pelled to answer at all, after the same He had not, however, been unobservant of manner. After the letter just quoted, we civil affairs ; he was not unacquainted with have seen nothing from him on the subject the civil history of his country, or with of a date earlier than the 28th of April, current events, or with the character and 1847, written from his camp, near Monteobjects of contending parties. He was a
rey. This letter was in reply to one reading man, a reflecting man, and a man
which had proposed to tender him a nomof close observation. He had been in no ination by the “Native American Convencondition to take any active part in public tion,” and in it he said : affairs, beyond what appertained to his profession of arms. But he was not with- “Even if an aspirant for the Presidential out his opinions on politics and parties. In office, (which is not the case,) I could not, a letter dated August 3d, 1847, after while the country is involved in war, and while stating that he was, what he had been rep- enemy, acknowledge any ambition beyond that
my duty calls me to take part against the resented to be, “a Whig in principle," he of bestowing all my best exertions towards says: “ At the last Presidential canvass it obtaining an adjustment of our difficulties with was well known to all with whom I mixed, Mexico. Whigs and Democrats—for I had no concealment in the matter—that I was de- It is worth observing that, in all his corcidedly in favor of Mr. Clay's election, and respondence touching this matter, so long I would now prefer seeing him in that as he was actually in the field and engaged office to any individual in the Union.” in military operations, so far from manifest
It cannot surprise any reflecting person ing any eagerness for such a movement, he that General Taylor, in camp in the face was constantly disposed to discourage the of the public enemy, when first approach- use of his name for President, and especialed on the subject of the Presidency, ly by any party, lest the effect might be to should have replied to all suggestions and lessen, in some quarters, public confidence solicitations rather after the manner of an in him as a military commander, and so old soldier than a hackneyed politician. result in injury to the public service in The very first letter, so far as
which he was engaged. "I regret," said ind, ever written by him in reference to he, in June, 1847, " the subject has been his subject, and which was in answer to a agitated at this early day, and that it had communication addressed to him from not been deferred until the close of this Ohio, was dated at Matamoras, July 21st, war, or until the end of the next session of 846; and in it he holds this language :- Congress, especially if I am to be mixed
up with it, as it is possible it may lead to “I feel very grateful to you, sir, and to my the injury of the public service in this llow-citizens who with you have expressed quarter by my operations being embarne very flattering desire to place my name in rassed,” &c. In another letter he said: omination for the Presidency; but it becomes
“My own personal views [on questions of ee sincerely and frankly to acknowledge to you at for that office I have no aspiration what public policy about which his opinions had cer. Although no politician, having always been asked) were better withheld till the eld myself aloof from the clamors of party end of the war, when my usefulness as a
military chief serving in the field against but here I am a soldier, serving my counthe common enemy shall no longer be try and my whole country; and here
, in compromised by their expression or dis- the face of the public enemy, under the cussion in
any matter.” In another letter orders of my constitutional Commanderstill, he held this language :—“If I have in-Chief, I am an American—I have no been named by others, and considered a party. My time, my talents, my energies, candidate for the Presidency, it has been shall all be devoted to this service while by no agency of mine in the matter; and thus employed, and no part of either will if the good people think my services im- I give towards making myself a party to portant in that station and elect me, I will any movement-especially by any politifeel bound to serve them; and all the cal combination-for my elevation to the pledges and explanations I can enter into Presidential office. and make, as regards this or that policy, is It is also true, undoubtedly, aside from that I will do so honestly and faithfully the consideration just stated, that Gen. to the best of my abilities, strictly in com- Taylor was then, and has been all the pliance with the Constitution. Should I while, averse to his being looked upon by ever occupy the White House, it must be his countrymen as a mere party man. He by the spontaneous move of the people, claimed to be something more and better and by no act of mine, so that I could go than this, and in giving voice to this feel into the office untrammelled, and be the ing, he has sometimes uttered strong eschief magistrate of the nation and not of pressions, which need to be taken in cos a party.
nection with the character and professional All who remember the correspondence occupations of the man, in order to be between the Department of War and rightly understood. As a soldier, on an General Taylor—the want of support of exposed and responsible post of duty, it which he had constantly to complain, and seemed to him proper that he should be the manifest jealousy of the administration an American, and nothing else. As s towards him on account of his successes- patriot, and one who, though “a Wbig will be at no loss to understand what the and devoted in individual opinion to the General means, when he objects to the principles of that party," was also a soldier agitation of the subject of the Presidency and “no politician, having always held by the use of his name, and especially by himself aloof from the clamors of party any party, so long as he had such high du- politics,” he would have been glad, if suek ties in the field to perform, and for the a thing were possible, that once more sino efficient performance of which it was so the case of Washington, not to mentie necessary that he should have, as far as that of Monroe, a President of these United possible, the full confidence both of the States might be elected by the comme country and of the administration. It was voice of the people, and without their not for him, voluntarily, or by any act vision into rancorous and hostile partie whatever of his own, to place himself At any rate, he seemed resolved from the openly before the country in an attitude of first, so far as he was concerned, not political hostility to the President and his give encouragement to any mere party et administration, under whose orders he was ganization to make him their candidas operating in the field against the public The manner in which he constantly repelne enemy. If the people in any quarter the repeated advances of the Native should spontaneously move in the matter, American" party, is very significant. Bu he could not help it. He would do his language was consistent towaris nothing to encourage any movement of the parties. He did not desire to be a sort whatever, and as for political parties, party candidate, or elected to be the ese arrayed in opposition to the administration, nent of any mere party doctrines. If he would not, whatever might be his pri-ed at all, he wished to be left at liber vate opinions, take such a time to identify and he resolved he would be, to "laks himself with any of them. At home, and the Constitution, and to the high inters in civil life, he could say, “I am a Whig, of our common country, and not to 4:ad shall ever be devoted, in individual principles of a party, for his rules of
un, to the principles of that party;" | tion.” Where the principles of a part