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of Texas. We may see, by this example, what it is, and what it must be, to have this Republic of oufs converted into an elective monarchy. War, conquest, the lust of dominion—these things become the order of the day. The Whig party are against these things. We are for peace with all the world, as long as it can be maintained without sacrifices to which no nation can submit; and we do not doubt that, in this age, perpetual peace may be preserved with all nations, with no other effort on our part, than to be strictly honest and strictly just in all our dealings with them, to mind our own business, and let them alone. As a security for peace, we want that Congress, and not the President or anybody else, should tell the nation when it is necessary we should go to war. We are against the extension of our territorial limits, and the adding of far-off countries and peoples to our Union and dominion. We do not desire to extend the area of slavery; and we think the area of freedom may as well be extended by allowing our neighbors on all sides to establish and maintain free and independent governments for themselves, after our example, as by annexing them all to this Republic. We should have quite too much to do if we should undertake to embrace n this Union all the nations of the world Iow struggling to be free. The Whig >arty do not sympathize at all with that imbitious sentiment which prompted Gen. Uass, in his place as a Senator in Congress, o anticipate the time when "the whole of he vast country around us will form one of he most magnificent empires that the world as yet seen." We want our own Republic nd Union, with a homogeneous people, men f the same general race, blood, education, nd habits, forming a consolidated nation, aund together in national interests and itional unity, and growing in wisdom and moral greatness as we increase in our lysical proportions. We do not want n nada, or Cuba, or the West Indies, or ucatan, or the projected republic of erra Madre to be annexed to the United rites, whether without, or at the end of >ody wars. "Democracy," with Gen. i.ss for its monocrat, is on the look-out • these acquisitions. Gen. Cass would ve gone to war with England for the e of Fifty-four Forty, in the Oregon

country. Gen. Cass was in favor of our Executive war of conquest and spoliation against our imbecile neighbor and sister republic, and thought our digestive powers would carry us safely through, even if " tee should swallow the whole of Mexico." He seems to look upon the United States as if the country were some monster reptile, that must subsist and swell its huge, unsightly bulk, by gorging itself with every living thing, small and great, that comes in its way. This is his idea of progress and national glory. Nothing less than "the whole of the vast country around us," continent and islands together, from the frozen regions of the North to the burning line, and God knows how much further, absorbed in this Union, or hitched to it and hanging upon it, and showing a monstrous, disjointed carcass of a country, "extended long and large, in bulk as huge as whom the fables name"—nothing less than this will satisfy Gen. Cass. And the "Democracy" would make him President, and, maugre the Constitution, allow him the rule and sway of the government, as if it had no department but his own, to prosecute his schemes of ambition and aggrandizement. The Whig party are opposed to all such profane madness. Our country was broad enough for all useful and wise purposes, and for the duties of our central government, even before our late acquisitions. We are utterly opposed to carrying this game any further. We think the fairest fabric of government ever framed is put in imminent jeopardy by this spirit of war, conquest, and forced aggrandizement, so industriously and zealously taught our people in the school of modern "Democracy"—the school of Allen, Cass, and Polk. It is the doctrine of these political schoolmasters that "the hearts of the people must be prepared for war;" and for what sort of war, and with what unholy objects prosecuted, and with what defiance of all right, moral and constitutional, undertaken, let the war with Mexico tell. War, conquest, territorial aggrandizement —this is the sum of the policy of these men for this country. "Democracy" is now engaged in earnest efforts to make Gen. Cass President, with undefined objects of war, conquest, and territorial extension floating before his eager vision. As President, if he can be made such, it is expected of him that he will know how to cany out this policy, and he has shown abundantly already, that no constitutional impediments will be allowed to stand in his way. He would not hesitate to make war on his own responsibility, as Mr. Polk has done, with his full sanction and support. All the blandishments of Executive patronage and power would be freely used by him, as they have been by Mr. Polk, with his full assent and approval, both with Congress and with the people, in furtherance of whatever schemes or enterprises he might see fit to undertake. We who are Whigs look with equal disgust and horror on such doctrines and practices. Opposed to war, conquest, and territorial extension, and seeing how every kind of dishonest, wanton, and dangerous policy and practice is made to hang on the Executive will, is promoted by Executive usurpations, or by the corrupt and wicked appliances of Executive power, we are more and more confirmed and earnest in our advocacy and maintenance of the great fundamental principle of our political faith, which insists that the President must be reduced from the monstrous growth to which he has attained under "Democratic" dominancy, back again to the legitimate proportions assigned him by the Constitution. We want a Constitutional Executive, not a monocrat, at the head of this government. We want an honest and a modest man to fill the Executive office, one who shall feel that the weight of his proper constitutional duties is quite enough for him to bear, without seeking to take upon his shoulders the added burthen of all other powers of government, legitimate or illegitimate.

But it is not only in such important matters as annexation, war, and conquest, that the President has been known to take an improper lead, and carry measures with a high hand. In the course and prosecution of the recent war, nothing in the way of exercising unaccorded powers was too bold or flagrant for Mr. Polk to attempt. He assumed, and exercised, the right of establishing civil government over provinces and peoples conquered by the American arms. And he established, by his personal authority, a regular system of taxation and revenue in all places held under military subjection, for the independent use of his

military chest. In all this, Gen. Cass was a privy counsellor, and a principal adviser and supporter of the-President, and now tands, as far as he and his friends have the ability, as the lawful successor and inheritor of the powers of the Presidential office as wielded by Mr. Polk. Of the prerogatives belonging to this office, whet once war has been begun, we have Gen. Cass's opinion very explicitly propounded in the Senate chamber. "Congress," he declared, "could neither give him [tht President] the power to carry on the tear. Nob Control That War." His "Democratic" creed teaches that Congress is nothing, or next to nothing, in the government, and the President Is everything.

Nor is this a new or accidental doctrine with him. It is the faith in which he has lived from Gen. Jackson's day to this. Is was the doctrine of that stern, self-willed, and wrong-headed old man, that the Pre* dent is to support the Constitution "a He Understands It, and not at it is «•&stood by others." His doctrine was, that "the opinion of the Supreme Court.' though formally pronounced in a judku case, "ought not to control the co onfiw* authorities of this government." "Tht opinion of the Judges has no more aulkoriif over Congress than the opinion of Congres has over the Judges, and, on that point. TBI President Is Independent Of Both."

And this was not a mere theoretKi opinion of the "old Roman." He tcut upon it officially. In 1832, he based up it a veto of an important law passed h Congress, and which had previously t>the judicial sanction of the Supreme Cos' as to its constitutionality. And he &more than this. He refused to canj <b law into execution, as it had been pr-* nounced by the Supreme Court, in the <*■ of the missionaries, Butler and Worees^" who, for the exercise of their holy ofc*" Georgia, had been sentenced to impriw ment in the penitentiary of that Stti*' hard labor for a term of years, under £ unconstitutional law; and be left the*nocent victims to their fate. It wry f erly fell to the part of Gen. Cs*--.: Secretary of War, to convey to th«« s" terestcd in the matter the final deur tion of the President. This he din letter dated Nov. 14, 1831, and is »the President's refusal to emcate tl

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xis placed expressly on his own opinion of the validity of the statute of Georgia, in apposition to the judicial opinion and judgment of the Supreme Court.

The "Democratic" doctrine of the supremacy of the Executive over the law, md over all other departments of the government, has been illustrated in other cases, ind has been too uniformly held and acted >n in the last twenty years to allow us to ■egard it as in any way casual or accidenal. The country has not forgotten when 5en. Jackson "took the responsibility" of emoving the public moneys in the treasury if the United States from the custody of he law to his own personal keeping, or a ;eeping under his personal orders. He hallenged to himself the right to seize md control the money in the treasury, f here the law had placed it, on the ground hat "the custody of the public property"

nS "AN APPROPRIATE FUNCTION OF THE

Executive Department in this and all other wcernments." "Congress," he said, "cantot, therefore, take out of the hands of the Executive department the custody of the lublic property or money, without an asumption of Executive power, and a subverion of the first principles of the Coralituion." And it is precisely on this wild and iwless doctrine of Executive powers held, lot under the Constitution, but as "An .ppropriate Function of the Executive Itparlment in this and all other governments," that Mr. Polk has acted, and justicd his action, in setting up governments nd exercising the sovereign right of taxaion in countries conquered by our arms, bid this is "Democratic" doctrine. The Democratic" Convention at Baltimore eclared, the other day, "that the confience of the Democracy of the Union in he principles," &c, of Mr. Polk, had "been ignally justified by the strictness of his aderence to sound Democratic doctrines." Uid Gen. Cass, the nominee of the party >r the succession to this high office, to .hich such "appropriatefunctions" belong, eyond and above the Constitution, anounces that he had carefully read the esolutions of the Convention, and gave bem his cordial approval.

It is the first article in the Whig creed hat the President is not to exercise power s "an appropriate function" of his office, ihich the Constitution does not give him.

No power is "an appropriate function" of his office but such as the Constitution makes appropriate. We think and believe, if the President shall be confined 6trictly to his constitutional powers and duties, that we shall have no executive wars, no wars of conquest, no gratified lust after foreign possessions and territories, no annexation, no burthensome debts and grinding taxation, no intermeddling or corrupt tampering with Congress, and no vetoes of acts of ordinary legislation. Congress will be left to its own independent action, and the Supreme Court to its integrity. With all this, however, " Democracy" is at odds and enmity.

It belongs to the political faith of the Whig party, as a principle in their creed, that the powers given to the Government of the Union should be faithfully used for the advancement of the common good and the common prosperity of the nation. We hold that the power to lay duties and raise revenue, and the power over commerce, should be skilfully and beneficially employed. The employment of these powers belongs exclusively to Congress. So does the power over the territories and other property, and over the money of the United States. We think that the financial plans and fiscal system of the Government should be arranged and established by Congress, with proper reference to the interests and business affairs of the people, as well as to the convenience of the Government. We think the revenue system should be adjusted with some proper reference and regard to the industry and labor of the country of every kind, as affected by foreign importations and the state of trade. We think that navigation should be protected along with commerce, and commercial facilities increased on the sea-board, around the great lakes, and along the courses of the great rivers, by judicious expenditures of the public money for works of necessary improvement. These are measures of national benefit and advantage which the Whig party are glad to contemplate, and which they will feel it their duty to urge on the attention of the proper department of the Government, whenever the "Democracy," with its pestilent doctrines, shall lose its hold on the power of that department.

But, of course, it is to Congress, and not

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sire to see this nation built up in virtue and moral greatness, as well as in wealth and physical grandeur, and enjoying Liberty, supported by Law, Order, Goodness, and Truth, he is no Whig.

Zachart Taylor has been presented to the People of the United States as a candidate for the Presidency, by a National Convention assembled at Philadelphia. This was a party convention, composed of Whigs, and convened according to the approved usages of that party in such case-. Probably no party convention ever met in this country which combined in its composition more talent or more patriotism. The results of its deliberations and its recommendations ought, we think, to come to the Whigs of the United States with the force of some authority. General Taylor was nominated by a strong majority over all competitors on a fourth ballot. Froa the first, his vote was not confined toanc^ States, or to any particular section. Wei. known and honored Whigs from New England, and from the Middle and West<?n States, voted, from the beginning, for hinomination. We have seen no evident nor heard of any, that the Convent' was infected with any corruption, or actci under any delusion or deception. If parr organization is a necessary or desiraKthing, we do not see how its action in th> instance can well be repudiated. TV« who are Whigs and mean to continue sue" and who believe that they can offer patn otic service to the country in no «'r-party combination so well as in this, «feel bound, we suppose, to give the Doc> nation of General Taylor a hearty suppif certainly they will do so, unless it si appear that the Convention which r sented his name, acted under some palp*ble mistake or error, in regard to t~ character of the man, and the princij*entertained by him. If it had appevinr should turn out, that a Whig Nati-cConvention, like that assembled at PL* delphia, had nominated a man wte** not a Whig in sentiment at all, or « defects of character or fitness, was . thy of the support of a great pai Wi should certainly hope to see ch; consistency enough in the party such a nomination. But we think. same time, that a strong array would be required to convince

bat a Whig Convention had really fallen lto so strange a mistake.

It is undoubtedly true that Gen. Taylor, p to the time of his nomination by the 'hiladelphia Convention, had not, by any rominent act or action, on his part, idenfied himself with any party combination hatever. He had been nearly all his life soldier, living in camps, and serving his )untry in the field. For many years he ad been stationed on service upon our imote Western frontier, or in the Indian ountries. He had been in no manner lixcd up with politics or political parties, le had not, however, been unobservant of ivil affairs; he was not unacquainted with le civil history of his country, or with urrent events, or with the character and bjects of contending parties. He was a fading man, a reflecting man, and a man f close observation. He had been in no ,'mdition to take any active part in public (fairs, beyond what appertained to his rofession of arms. But he was not withut his opinions on politics and parties. In

letter dated August 3d, 1847, after iating that he was, what he had been rep;sented to be, "a Whig in principle," he lys: "At the last Presidential canvass it •as well known to all with whom I mixed, Hiigs and Democrats—for I had no condiment in the matter—that I was dededly in favor of Mr. Clay's election, and

would now prefer seeing him in that flice to any individual in the Union."

It cannot surprise any reflecting person lat General Taylor, in camp in the face f the public enemy, when first approachi on the subject of the Presidency, lould have replied to all suggestions and ^citations rather after the manner of an Id soldier than a hackneyed politician, 'he very first letter, so far as we can ad, ever written by him in reference to lis subject, and which was in answer to a )mmunication addressed to him from hio, was dated at Matamoras, July 21st, 346; and in it he holds this language:—

"I feel very grateful to you, sir, and to my llow-citizens who with you have expressed e very flattering desire to place my name in ^initiation for the Presidency; but it becomes e sincerely and frankly to acknowledge to you iat for that office I have no aspiration what"er. Although no politician, having always :ld myself aloof from the clamors of party

politics, I am a Whig, and shall ever be devoted in individual opinion to the principles of that party. Even if the subject which you have in your fetter opened to me were acceptable at any time, I have not the leisure to attend to it now; the vigorous prosecution of the war with Mexico, so important to the interests of my country, demands every moment of my present time, and it is my great desire to bring it to a speedy and honorable termination."

He continued to be plied with communications on this subject, and he continued to answer, when he thought himself compelled to answer at all, after the same manner. After the letter just quoted, we have seen nothing from him en the subject of a date earlier than the 28th of April, 1847, written from his camp, near Monterey. This letter was in reply to one which had proposed to tender him a nomination by the "Native American Convention," and in it he said :—

"Even if an aspirant for the Presidential office, (which is not the case,) I could not, while the country is involved in war, and while my duty calls me to take part against the enemy, acknowledge any ambition beyond that of bestowing all my best exertions towards obtaining an adjustment of our difficulties with Mexico.

It is worth observing that, in all his correspondence touching this matter, so long as he was actually in the field and engaged in military operations, so far from manifesting any eagerness for such a movement, he was constantly disposed to discourage the use of his name for President, and especially by any party, lest the effect might be to lessen, in some quarters, public confidence in him as a military commander, and so result in injury to the public service in which he was engaged. "I regret," said he, in June, 1847, "the subject has been agitated at this early day, and that it had not been deferred until the close of this war, or until the end of the next session of Congress, especially if I am to be mixed up with it, as it is possible it may lead to the injury of the public service in this quarter by my operations being embarrassed," &c. In another letter he said: "My own personal views [on questions of public policy about which his opinions had been asked] were better withheld till the end of the war, when my usefulness as a

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