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Tue Whigs of the United States have a to an end, and is really valuable—nay, is leavy responsibility resting on them in the only justifiable—when it is employed as an "pproaching Presidential election. We instrumentality in behalf of the country, hold that it does not admit of a reasonable and of the whole country. When party loubt that they can elect ZACHARY TAYLOR becomes selfish—when it becomes amo the Presidency if they will. It is bitious—when it desires to rule for the qually clear to us, that if he be not elected, sake of ruling, or for the profit of ruling, t will be because Whigs—some Whigs- or because it wishes to set up its own idols lo not possess that measure of disinterest in the high places of political worship, it d patriotism to rise above mere party and must soon lose cast and character in the versonal, or sectional views and considera- estimation of all good and wise men. A ions. The trial of men's virtue never combination of men to take possession of omes but when they are called on to power

less comnaintain their principles at some sacrifice, prehensive and catholic than the common r under some discouragement. Many good of the whole nation, is something Vhigs are now in this category, and it re- very different from a great and patriotic rains to be seen how they will come out party. It is a conspiracy, and not a politif the trial. It is the tendency of party cal party. rganization to contract the horizon of Those who have composed the Whig uty to the country; at least, this is the party of this country have professed to ffect on many minds. Party--the suc- unite for the purpose of promoting and 25s of party--the exaltation of party- maintaining certain great and distinctive ecome the absorbing objects of thought principles, as being essential to the prend desire. An ideal of what the party servation of our form of government, and the ught to be, what it ought to have and en- advancement of the real interests and the vy, and under what particular auspices its true prosperity of the nation. When an iccess and glory should be achieved, election is at hand, like that which is now kes possession of the imagination, and approaching, the proper question for every ometimes quite shuts out other and higher Whig to ask himself is, whether these onsiderations. It is forgotten, for the principles are likely to be preserved and me, that party is properly only a means vindicated by our success as a party in the election. If they will, the way of duty, as within which his duties lie. He may make well as of party obligation, is plain. There himself at once despotic and irresponsible. may be many things not quite up to our We have actually seer a President, weak in expectations or desires. We may have everything except in the power of his office, seen many things in the management of involve the country in war, without and the affairs of the party organization not at against its own will and judgment, for the all to our liking. The wrong persons may, purpose of conquest and the acquisition of in our judgment, have taken the lead, to the foreign territory; and all this in the face discomfiture of wiser and honester men, of the Constitution, which expressly conånd to the manifest disadvantage and dis- fides the power of declaring war to Concredit of the party. The candidate may gress. Thus, for two years and more, a not be the man of our individual choice; nation, loving justice and loving peace, is and we may think that those who have chained to the car of a President, having a been chiefly instrumental in presenting petty ambition to figure as the head of a him to us, and disappointing us of our people wise and powerful, carrying death preferences, have designed or hoped to and desolation to the heart, and over the promote some personal, selfish or sectional hearths and homes, of an unhappy and imobject or scheme of their own by his ele- becile neighbor, for objects of territorial vation. We may even entertain doubts plunder. This is one example to illustrate whether the candidate we are to support the strides which Executive arrogance will agrees with us in all our notions about the take if allowed to escape from the Constiparticular means to be used—the particu- tution, and to appeal for the sanction of iar measures to be adopted—for advancing his acts solely to the will of an unreasonthe common weal. And, finally, some of ing ochlocracy. Whigs set themselves, us may indulge a shrewd suspicion that first of all, at open war against any and all once in office his allegiance to country will assumptions and encroachments of Execube suffered in many things to outweigh his tive power, under any and all pretences. allegiance to party. But after all, what From the period of General Jackson's acconcerns us to know is, whether, if our cession to the Presidential office, under the candidate shall be elected, the distinctive machinations of the Democratic party, enprinciples which belong to us as a party croachment has followed encroachment in will be likely to be maintained, and the this office, with the full sanction and supaffairs of government conducted with ref- port of that party, until the Republic is erence to them as a general basis of ad- on the point of being converted into the ministration. If this is our faith and very worst and most unendurable of all forms confidence upon a view of the whole of tyranny—the government of an irre ground, then we are guilty of a double sponsible and proscriptive party, the desertion if we hold back from the support dominant element of which is found in the and effort necessary to the success of our lowest and worst classes of society, cober candidate ; we desert and betray at once ing by the principle of plunder, and giving both our party and our country,

of their


a fearful energy to their power by concea Intelligent Whigs do not need to be in- trating it in the hands of a monocrats formed what their principles are; but a chief, elective by their suffrages, serving summary statement of them cannot do the for a limited time, and bound and pledged best of us any harm. The great doctrine to make their pleasure, and the gratificat which gave us our party designation was of their will and wantonness, the prince that of opposition to Executive usurpa- end and aim of his administration. tions. We hold it to be essential to the such a government, Congress is nothing success of our free form of government but a convenient, or inconvenient, sort that the President should be kept strictly medium interposed between the national within the limits of his proper Constitution the ruling chief, through which his decrees al authority. Events have shown what are made known by a formal registrs fatal mischiefs do and will follow if that and through which also his necessary high functionary, with the vast patronage plies are furnished. We Whigs want which attaches to his office, is permitted such government as this. We desire

overstep the Constitutional boundary see the Congress restored to its origi


powers under the Constitution, and the derstand anything about it, is a cardinal President confined to the performance of principle with the Whig party. We want the proper

executive duties of his station. so much of the government of the counWe want no Presidential vetoes on the or- try, out and out, as the Constitution has dinary legislation of Congress—a business confided to Congress, to be and remain in which the Constitution has confided ex- the hands of that body, free from the arclusively to that body. We wish to see bitrary interposition, and equally free from the exercise of this high conservative pow. the corrupt blandishments, of the Execuer reserved for extraordinary occasions, and tive. He who adopts and maintains this used only to correct some manifest and great and distinctive principle is a Whig, undoubted error, or to arrest some certain and all good Whigs will welcome him to and imminent mischief to the Constitution their fellowship. It lies at the very founor the country. We do not want to see it dation, it is of the very essence, of Whig used as if the President held a portion of faith, that—except in regard to our foreign the ordinary legislative power, with a nega relations confided to the President and tive on all legislation which is practically Senate, in regard to nominations and apabsolute. If Congress passes a law to do pointments to office, in regard to the titular an act of long-delayed justice to some of command of the army and navy, and in our citizens, as in the case of the law regard to other specified duties properly passed two years ago to pay moneys appertaining to the chief executive Office honestly due from the Government on ac- of the Government—the whole policy and count of French spoliations prior to 1800, conduct of our public affairs have been we do not want to see an Executive veto confided by the Constitution to the control interposed without one plausible or even and direction of Congress. There the decent reason given for it. If Congress effective and efficient power ought to rechooses to make appropriations for the side; there it ought to be independently improvement of rivers and harbors-a exercised. The President is required, from power exercised from the foundation of the time to time, to communicate information Government—we want to see the will of to Congress on the state of the nation, in Congress stand as the law of the land, in order that that body may act understandspite of any private opinion to the contra-ingly in its affairs and interests. Placed as ry which the President may happen to he is, at the centre and head of the adentertain. And if Congress, in providing ministrative affairs of the Government, in 1 local government for any of our territo- the control of its foreign relations, its apies, should insist on preserving all terri- pointing power, and its executive authoriories now free from the intrusion of ty, he is required also to recommend to lavery, (no new or unused power in this Congress such measures as he shall judge rovernment, we want to see such legisla necessary and expedient. Beyond this, howion stand without any intermeddling or ever, his power over the internal policy and ainsaying on the part of the President. the ordinary legislation of the country does n short, we Whigs want to see the legis- not go. It is the express injunction of the ition of the country exactly in the hands Constitution that “All legislative powers

here the Constitution has placed it. We herein granted shall be vested in a Con. ant that the country should come back gress of the United States, which shall

the habit of looking to Congress, and consist of a Senate and House of Repreot to the President, for the policy which sentatives.” There is no third branchall prevail amongst us, under the legis- the President is vested with no legislative ve authority, on all questions touching power. The veto is an executive, and not ir internal national affairs-touching the a legislative power, the necessity and use gulation of commerce, internal and com- of which were, and are, perfectly well unercial improvements, the finances, public derstood. His formal assent and signature edit, revenue and taxation, protection to to all laws are required as a proper act of me industry, war, the government of authentication and solemnization. When r territorial possessions, and the mea- a law is once passed and perfected, he is res proper “for the common defence called on personally to carry it into execud the general welfare." This, if we un- tion. By mistake, by oversight, by inconsideration, possibly by passion, or by and the practice, the doctrines, and the unreflective sympathy, the law may con- policy to be pursued under the sway of template some action manifestly wrong · Democracy,” if successful in the coming and injurious to persons or to parties election. Light that cannot be endured affected by it, or in violent conflict with for its intenseness, and darkness that may the plain provisions of the Constitution. be felt, are not more opposite. In tender regard of his conscience, and of We have dwelt at some length on this his sense of personal dignity and propriety, article of Whig faith, because it is both and of right and wrong, it was not thought cardinal and fundamental in our creed. It necessary or wise to compel him to put his lies at the bottom both of our faith and of name to such a law as if approving of it. our hopes. We are republicans, and this He was, therefore, allowed to return it to doctrine is the essence of republicanism. Congress with his objections—to be passed, We do not want a monarchy disguised if Congress would and could do it, by a under republican forms. We do not want two-thirds vote, in spite of his objections. the name of a republic, while at the same In the hands of an honest and conscientious time it is Cæsar that rules. We believe man, one disposed to obey and abide by both in conservatism and in progress; and the Constitution, this is an innocent pow- we can indulge no hope, either of stability er; it is dangerous only when it is clutched on the one hand or of advancement on the by unprincipled men, or by the ambitious other, without this doctrine. Our system instruments of an unprincipled party. To is elective and representative, and Congress use it as it has been used, as if the Presi- was so constituted, in its two branches, as dent were a third branch of the legislative to preserve the popular and representative department of the Government, is a sheer principle in full vigor, and at the same time usurpation of power.

give the promise of something like stability We say, again, that the control and di- to the Government and its policy. We rection of our whole national policy, so far think it indispensable, on all accounts, tha: is it may be affected by legislation, are, or Congress should be maintained in the ful ought to be, in the hands of Congress, and and free exercise of all its constitutional not in the hands of the Executive ; and powers; and without this, we see Do this is the doctrine of the Whig party. It ground of hope for that moderate and wise is in virtue of this principle, this leading policy of administration, and for those just article of their political faith, that they as- measures on which we rely to make us a sumed the name by which they are desig- prosperous and happy people. Erects nated, as separating them, by a broad mark have clearly enough demonstrated that I of distinction, from those who practise on the President is to override Congress and the Tory doctrine and policy of governing be himself the State-L'Etat, c'es! meni as much as possible by the one-man or —the will of the nation is of very liiale monarchical power. It is the Democratic account in the measures that shall be po party, so calling itself, which exalts the sued. Personal or sectional views and it Executive above all other departments and terests will govern everything. Annet powers in the Government, and supports tion was an Executive measure, and w and defends the President of their choice in carried by Executive dietation and intrigte every pretension and assumption of power, against the better judgment of Congress however monstrous. The history of the and against the will of the nation. The present administration is one unbroken war with Mexico was an Executive measur proof of the truth of this assertion. And exclusively, about which Congress was to “ Democracy” proposes to perpetuate this even consulted. There were not te sort of rule and government, and perpetu- men in both houses of Congress who coul ated it will be with a vengeance, if Gen. have been brought to vote for a war al Cass shall be made the successor of Mr. time when hostilities were actually co Polk. No two things could be more dia- menced by the President's order; sad metrically opposed to each other, than the for the people themselves, a vote for cardinal principle of the Whigs in opposing a measure could not have been obtained all Executive usurpation, and in insisting any one State, county, town, district,

legislative supremacy of Congress, precinct in the whole Union--at least

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