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The Whigs of the United States have a to an end, and is really valuable—nay, is heavy responsibility resting on them in the only justifiable--when it is employed as an approaching Presidential election. We instrumentalíty in behalf of the country, hold that it does not admit of a reasonable and of the whole country. When party doubt that they can elect ZACHARY Taylor becomes selfish-when it becomes amto the Presidency if they will. It is bitious—when it desires to rule for the equally clear to us, that if he be not elected, sake of ruling, or for the profit of ruling, it will be because Whigs—some Whigs- or because it wishes to set up its own idols do not possess that measure of disinterest in the high places of political worship, it ad patriotism to rise above mere party and must soon lose cast and character in the personal, or sectional views and considera- estimation of all good and wise men. A ions. The trial of men's virtue never combination of men to take possession of omes but when they are called on to power for purposes of their own, less comnaintain their principles at some sacrifice, prehensive and catholic than the common r under some discouragement. Many good of the whole nation, is something Vhigs are now in this category, and it re- very different from a great and patriotic rains to be seen how they will come out party. It is a conspiracy, and not a politif the trial. It is the tendency of party cal party. ganization to contract the horizon of Those who have composed the Whig city to the country; at least, this is the party of this country have professed to fect on many minds. Party--the suc- unite for the purpose of promoting and ss of party-the exaltation of party, maintaining certain great and distinctive come the absorbing objects of thought principles, as being essential to the pred desire. An ideal of what the party servation of our form of government, and the ght to be, what it ought to have and en- advancement of the real interests and the
, and under what particular auspices its true prosperity of the nation. When an ccess and glory should be achieved, election is at hand, like that which is now es possession of the imagination, and approaching, the proper question for every netimes quite shuts out other and higher Whig to ask himself is, whether these siderations. It is forgotten, for the principles are likely to be preserved and e, that party is properly only a means vindicated by our success as a party in
election. If they will, the way of duty, as within which his duties lie. He may make well as of party obligation, is plain. There himself at once despotic and irresponsible
. may be many things not quite up to our We have actually seer a President, weak in expectations or desires. We may have everything except in the power of his office, seen many things in the management of involve the country in war, without and the affairs of the party organization not at against its own will and judgment, for the all to our liking. The wrong persons may, purpose of conquest and the acquisition of in our judgment, have taken the lead, to the foreign territory; and all this in the face discomfiture of wiser and honester men, of the Constitution, which expressly conånd to the manifest disadvantage and dis- fides the power of declaring war to Concredit of the party. The candidate may gress. Thus, for two years and more, a not be the man of our individual choice; nation, loving justice and loving peace,
is and we may think that those who have chained to the car of a President, having a been chiefly instrumental in presenting petty ambition to figure as the head of a him to us, and disappointing us of our people wise and powerful, carrying death preferences, have designed or hoped to and desolation to the heart, and over the promote some personal, selfish or sectional hearths and homes, of an unhappy and inobject or scheme of their own by his ele- becile neighbor, for objects of territorial vation. We may even entertain doubts plunder. This is one example to illustrate whether the candidate we are to support the strides which Executive arrogance wil agrees with us in all our notions about the take if allowed to escape from the Constiparticular means to be used—the particu- tution, and to appeal for the sanction of lar measures to be adopted—for advancing his acts solely to the will of an unreasonthe common weal. And, finally, some of ing ochlocracy. Whigs set themselves
. us may indulge a shrewd suspicion that first of all, at open war against any and all once in office his allegiance to country will assumptions and encroachments of Exerabe suffered in many things to outweigh his tive power, under any and all pretencs. allegiance to party. But after all, what From the period of General Jackson's acconcerns us to know is, whether, if our cession to the Presidential office, under the candidate shall be elected, the distinctive machinations of the Democratic Party, etprinciples which belong to us as a party croachment has followed encroachment in will be likely to be maintained, and the this office, with the full sanction and supaffairs of government conducted with ref- port of that party, until the Republic is erence to them as a general basis of ad- on the point of being converted into the ministration. If this is our faith and very worst and most unendurable of all forms confidence upon a view of the whole of tyranny-the government of an irreground, then we are guilty of a double sponsible and proscriptive party, the desertion if we hold back from the support dominant element of which is found in the and effort necessary to the success of our lowest and worst classes of society, cobercandidate ; we desert and betray at once ing by the principle of plunder, and giving both our party and our country.
a fearful energy to their power by concerIntelligent Whigs do not need to be in- trating it in the hands of a monocratic formed what their principles are; but a chief, elective by their suffrages, servis silmmary statement of them cannot do the for a limited time, and bound and pledra best of us any harm. The great doctrine to make their pleasure, and the gratificado whick gave us our party designation was of their will and wantonness, the principa that of opposition to Executive usurpa-end and aim of his administration. In tions. We hold it to be essential to the such a government, Congress is nothing success of our free form of government but a convenient, or inconvenient, sort of that the President should be kept strictly medium interposed between the nation and within the limits of his proper Constitution. the ruling chief, through which his decres al authority Events have shown what are made known by a formal registratas, fatal mischiefs do and will follow if that and through which also his necessary saphigh functionary, with the vast patronage plies are furnished. We Whigs want to which attaches to his office, is permitted such government as this. We desire to to overstep the Constitutional boundary see the Congress restored to its original
powers under the Constitution, and the derstand anything about it, is a cardinal President confined to the performance of principle with the Whig party. We want the proper executive duties of his station. so much of the government of the counWe want no Presidential vetoes on the or- try, out and out, as the Constitution has dinary legislation of Congress-a business confided to Congress, to be and remain in which the Constitution has confided ex- the hands of that body, free from the arclusively to that body. We wish to see bitrary interposition, and equally free from the exercise of this high conservative pow the corrupt blandishments, of the Execuer reserved for extraordinary occasions, and tive. He who adopts and maintains this used only to correct some manifest and great and distinctive principle is a Whig, undoubted error, or to arrest some certain and all good Whigs will welcome him to and imminent mischief to the Constitution their fellowship. It lies at the very founor the country. We do not want to see it dation, it is of the very essence, of Whig used as if the President held a portion of faith, that—except in regard to our foreign the ordinary legislative power, with a nega- relations confided to the President and tive on all legislation which is practically Senate, in regard to nominations and apabsolute. If Congress passes a law to do pointments to office, in regard to the titular an act of long-delayed justice to some of command of the army and navy, and in our citizens, as in the case of the law regard to other specified duties properly passed two years ago to pay moneys appertaining to the chief executive Office honestly due from the Government on ac- of the Government—the whole policy and count of French spoliations prior to 1800, conduct of our public affairs have been we do not want to see an Executive veto confided by the Constitution to the control interposed without one plausible or even and direction of Congress. There the decent reason given for it. If Congress effective and efficient power ought to rechooses to make appropriations for the side; there it ought to be independently improvement of rivers and harbors-a exercised. The President is required, from power exercised from the foundation of the time to time, to communicate information Government-we want to see the will of to Congress on the state of the nation, in Congress stand as the law of the land, in order that that body may act understandspite of any private opinion to the contra- ingly in its affairs and interests. Placed as ry which the President may happen to he is, at the centre and head of the adentertain. And if Congress, in providing ministrative affairs of the Government, in a local government for any of our territo- the control of its foreign relations, its apries, should insist on preserving all terri- pointing power, and its executive authoritories now free from the intrusion of ty, he is required also to recommend to slavery, (no new or unused power in this Congress such measures as he shall judge government,) we want to see such legisla- necessary and expedient. Beyond this, howtion stand without any intermeddling or ever, his power over the internal policy and gainsaying on the part of the President. the ordinary legislation of the country does
n short, we Whigs want to see the legis- not go. It is the express injunction of the ation of the country exactly in the hands | Constitution that “ All legislative powers where the Constitution has placed it. We herein granted shall be vested in a ConFant that the country should come back gress of the United States, which shall
the habit of looking to Congress, and consist of a Senate and House of Repreot to the President, for the policy which sentatives.” There is no third branchall prevail amongst us, under the legis- the President is vested with no legislative ve authority, on all questions touching power. The veto is an executive, and not ir internal national affairs-touching the a legislative power, the necessity and use gulation of commerce, internal and com- of which were, and are, perfectly well unercial improvements, the finances, public derstood. His formal assent and signature dit, revenue and taxation, protection to to all laws are required as a proper act of me industry, war, the government of authentication and solemnization. When r territorial possessions, and the mea
a law is once passed and perfected, he is res proper for the common defence called on personally to carry it into execud the general welfare.” This, if we un- tion. By mistake, by oversight, by in
consideration, possibly by passion, or by, and the practice, the doctrines, and the unreflective sympathy, the law may con- policy to be pursued, under the sway of template some action manifestly wrong “ Democracy,” if successful in the coming and injurious to persons or to parties election. Light that cannot be endured affected by it, or in violent conflict with for its intenseness, and darkness that may the plain provisions of the Constitution. be felt, are not more opposite. In tender regard of his conscience, and of We have dwelt at some length on this his sense of personal dignity and propriety, article of Whig faith, because it is both and of right and wrong, it was not thought cardinal and fundamental in our creed. It necessary or wise to compel him to put his lies at the bottom both of our faith and of name to such a law as if approving of it. our hopes. We are republicans, and this He was, therefore, allowed to return it to doctrine is the essence of republicanism.
1 Congress with his objections—to be passed, We do not want a monarchy disguised if Congress would and could do it, by a under republican forms. We do not want two-thirds vote, in spite of his objections. the name of a republic, while at the same In the hands of an honest and conscientious time it is Cæsar that rules. We beliere man, one disposed to obey and abide by both in conservatism and in progress; and the Constitution, this is an innocent pow. we can indulge no hope, either of stability er; it is dangerous only when it is clutched on the one hand or of advancement on the by un principled men, or by the ambitious other, without this doctrine. Our system 1 instruments of an unprincipled party. To is elective and representative, and Congress use it as it has been used, as if the Presi- was so constituted, in its two branches, as dent were a third branch of the legislative to preserve the popular and representative department of the Government, is a sheer principle in full vigor, and at the same time usurpation of power.
give the promise of something like stability We say, again, that the control and di- to the Government and its policy. We rection of our whole national policy, so far think it indispensable, on all accounts, that
1 its it may be affected by legislation, are, or Congress should be maintained in the fai ought to be, in the hands of Congress, and and free exercise of all its constitutional not in the hands of the Executive ; and powers; and without this, we see Do this is the doctrine of the Whig party. It ground of hope for that moderate and wise is in virtue of this principle, this leading policy of administration, and for those just article of their political faith, that they as- measures on which we rely to make us a sumed the name by which they are desig- prosperous and happy people. Events nated, as separating them, by a broad mark have clearly enough demonstrated that i i of distinction, from those who practise on
the President is to override Congress are the Tory doctrine and policy of governing be himself the State-L'Etat, c'es! as as much as possible by the one-man or —the will of the nation is of very litir monarchical power. It is the Democratic account in the measures that shall be per party, so calling itself, which exalts the sued. Personal or sectional views and Executive above all other departments and terests will govern everything. powers in the Government, and supports tion was an Executive measure, and a and defends the President of their choice in carried by Executive dictation and intriga every pretension and assumption of power, against the better judgment of Congress however monstrous. The history of the and against the will of the nation. 13 present administration is one unbroken war with Mexico was an Executire mes proof of the truth of this assertion. And exclusively, about which Congress was 21 ** Democracy” proposes to perpetuate this even consulted. There were not to sort of rule and government; and perpetu- men in both houses of Congress who a za ated it will be with a vengeance, if Gen. have been brought to vote for a warat Cass shall be made the successor of Mr. time when hostilities were actually sca Polk. No two things could be more dia- menced by the President's order; 103 metrically opposed to each other, than the for the people themselves, a rote for s. cardinal principle of the Whigs in opposing a measure could not have been obtaines ?? Executive usurpation, and in insisting any one State, county, town, district
legislative supremacy of Congress, I precinct in the whole Union—at least
of Texas. We may see, by this example, country. Gen. Cass was in favor of our what it is, and what it must be, to have Executive war of conquest and spoliation this Republic of ours converted into an against our imbecile neighbor and sister elective monarchy. War, conquest, the republic, and thought our digestive powers lust of dominion—these things become the would carry us safely through, even if " we order of the day. The Whig party are should swallow the whole of Mexico." He against these things. We are for peace seems to look upon the United States as if with all the world, as long as it can be the country were some monster reptile, maintained without sacrifices to which no that must subsist and swell its huge, unnation can submit; and we do not doubt sightly bulk, by gorging itself with every that, in this age, perpetual peace may be living thing, small and great, that comes in preserved with all nations, with no other its way. This is his idea of progress and effort on our part, than to be strictly honest national glory. Nothing less than " the and strictly just in all our dealings with whole of the vast country around us," conthem, to mind our own business, and let tinent and islands together, from the frothem alone. As a security for peace, we zen regions of the North to the burning want that Congress, and not the President line, and God knows how much further, or anybody else, should tell the nation absorbed in this Union, or hitched to it when it is necessary we should go to war. and hanging upon it, and showing a monWe are against the extension of our terri- strous, disjointed carcass of a country, torial limits, and the adding of far-off “extended long and large, in bulk as huge countries and peoples to our Union and as whom the fables name”-nothing less dominion. We do not desire to extend the than this will satisfy Gen. Cass. And the area of slavery; and we think the area of “ Democracy” would make him President, freedom may as well be extended by al- and, maugre the Constitution, allow him lowing our neighbors on all sides to estab- the rule and sway of the government, as if lish and maintain free and independent it had no department but his own, to prosegovernments for themselves, after our ex- cute bis schemes of ambition and aggranample, as by annexing them all to this Re- dizement. The Whig party are opposed public. We should have quite too much to all such profane madness. Our country to do if we should undertake to embrace was broad enough for all useful and wise in this Union all the nations of the world purposes, and for the duties of our central now struggling to be free. The Whig government, even before our late acquisiparty do not sympathize at all with that tions. We are utterly opposed to carryambitious sentiment which prompted Gen. ing this game any further. We think the Cass, in his place as a Senator in Congress, fairest fabric of government ever framed is to anticipate the time when “the whole of put in imminent jeopardy by this spirit of the vast country around us will form one of war, conquest, and forced aggrandizement, the most magnificent empires that the world so industriously and zealously taught our has yet seen.” We want our own Republic people in the school of modern “ Democand Union, with a homogeneous people, men racy”—the school of Allen, Cass, and of the same general race, blood, education, Polk. It is the doctrine of these political and habits, forming a consolidated nation, schoolmasters that “the hearts of the bound together in national interests and people must be prepared for war;" and for national unity, and growing in wisdom and what sort of war, and with what unholy in moral greatness as we increase in our objects prosecuted, and with what defiance physical proportions. We do not want of all right, moral and constitutional, unCanada, or Cuba, or the West Indies, or dertaken, let the war with Mexico tell. Yucatan, or the projected republic of War, conquest, territorial aggrandizement Sierra Madre to be annexed to the United —this is the sum of the policy of these States, whether without, or at the end of men for this country. “Democracy” is loody wars. “ Democracy,” with Gen. now engaged in earnest efforts to make Pass for its monocrat, is on the look-out Gen. Cass President, with undefined obor these acquisitions. Gen. Cass would jects of war, conquest, and territorial exave gone to war with England for the tension floating before his eager vision. As ne of Fifty-four Forty, in the Oregon President, if he can be made such, it is