ticular public measures, as it is claimed our Presidents should be, such overthrows would endanger not only the efficiency of the executive head, but its very existence. This distinction has not been attended to in the Constitution recently emanated from the French National Assembly, and we may yet see the truth of these observations verified in the history of that unfortunate Republic. It follows from these considerations, that the continuance of constitutional authority in the executive department is deeply interested in the separation of the Executive from all sectional and all violent political agitations. We will not pursue this theme, but leave to the candor and discernment of wellmeaning men of all parties the task of tracing these tendencies to their end. But what are the great ends to be attained by thus running the Republic in hazard of dissolution, sufficiently important to justify that great risk? They would be among the following: To secure legislation on the subject from impediment, from the misuse of the veto. To secure a presidential recommendation. To secure the indirect influence of the Executive-its patronage, and the like. This is the sum of all the means which the Executive can bring to the aid of the We are now prepared to examine the one idea. From the veto all that can be principles and policy of this one-idea party. asked is, that it shall not intercept legislaIt proposes to support and possibly to tive action in regard to the extension or elect to the Presidency a man committed recognition of slavery in the territories. to certain opinions and pledged to certain So far as that legislative action is protectmeasures hostile to the extension of slave-ed by the Constitution, Gen. Taylor promry beyond its present limits. But he must and will be more than this, if he represents the feeling of his party. He will be the champion of free labor and the sworn enemy of slave labor in every form. We do not say that he would violate the guarantees of the Constitution to the South-we do not think he would; but he will be recognized both at the North and at the South as opposed to domestic slavery in every form. To draw any other conclusion is mere idling. Thus it is proposed to hurry the Executive into a partisan warfare, which must inevitably place him at war with either the North or the South, in reference to a question which has always been the most exciting, and which seems destined to try the strength of our institutions and our patriotism. It matters not whether Northern or Southern influence predominates, the effect will be equally deplorable in distracting and dividing the nation, and shattering the bond of confidence that holds us in unity. What would be the consequence if a pro-slavery party should fill the public offices at the North with men devoted to the triumph of their opinions? What would result from an attempt to appoint anti-slavery office-holders throughout the South? Let the country reflect upon this. But if a President is elected by either of those parties, such a result, however deplorable, must follow. ises all that could be asked of any candidate, even were he to represent the free soil party itself. His pledges to this point are explicit; he will confine the veto to its legitimate use. In reply to this it will be said that Gen. Taylor's views, in relation to the constitutionality of the measures proposed, are not known. It may be, say the objectors, that he will take different views of the subject from those we entertain. Upon this doubt hangs the only argument which can be used to sustain the free soil movement. Let us state the point fairly. A man must be elected who is known to conform to the opinions we entertain of the means which can be constitutionally employed to prevent the further extension of slavery. He must be pledged to pronounce certain measures constitutional, which are not even so definitely proposed that it is possible to judge of their conformity to the Constitution. In fine, he must in every case put free soil, one-idea construction on the Constitution, taking good care to destroy every measure of legislation injuriously affecting the progress of free soil opinions. But should the President be found compliant, there is still another tribunal which may negative the force of the desired legislation: must that tribunal also be packed with men of your opinions? The honest voice of the nation would cry out against any attempt to forestall a decision of the Supreme Court by securing the appointment of judges entertaining certain opinions. But why that may be done with the President, who, as it regards the veto, is but a preventive instead of a retributive tribunal, we cannot perceive. We hesitate not to pronounce such a course dangerous in the extreme to the security of liberty and property, destructive of independence and impartiality in the executive decisions, and injurious to public morals. It is but another attempt of radical democracy to grasp at independent opinion, and prostrate it before the will of the majority. It is plainly better that legislation should be temporarily interrupted than that a precedent should precedent should be established capable of being used for the most violent ends. The use of such means belongs to a temporizing policy incapable of appreciating the value of what is magnanimous. In order to excuse the use of such means as an extreme remedy suited to a desperate disease, it devolves on the one-idea party to show that either their principles or their measures are in danger from abuse of the veto by Gen. Taylor. This is impossible. The most that is pretended is, that no assurances of friendly sympathy have been given them by the nominee of the Whig party. As for a hint of an opinion to the contrary, the thing is not pretended. Can there be any, it will be asked, who profess to be willing to use any influence of the Executive unauthorized by the Constitution? There are such, and they are by far the most difficult to contend with, as they obstinately persist in drawing their arguments from what they are pleased to call practical views. These are the practical men of the one-idea party, (if the paradox is pardonable.) They profess contempt for such metaphysical abstractions as those which are honored by our Constitution as profound truths. They regard nothing but immediate and practical results, losing sight of remote though certain consequences. Let these men be the mouth-piece of the party. "that the Executive can plunge the nation into war or restore it to the blessings of peace as suits his caprice; let that same power be exerted in behalf of universal liberty, and its triumph is secure." But has not that very assumption of power been the theme of your just reproach? Then will you use means which you condemn in an adversary as destructive of liberty and subversive to the Constitution in the prosecution of your own plans? To confess this is to confess to yourselves a deeper reproach than they can be charged with; for they employ means which they maintain to be constitutional,-you employ those very means admitting their dishonesty. Though disguised under specious names, or what is worse, under no name at all, the instruments they unblushingly propose to use are the influence of Washington-the support of official patronage-the power of the lobby. Corruption is the source of the influence they covet. Corruption, therefore, they invoke to the aid of humanity. But humanity scorns the offering and the hypocritical worshipper. It is impossible to trace that which we have designated as the indirect influence of the Executive, when it exhibits more than a natural sympathy in principle and in pursuit with the party to which he owes his elevation, to any other source than to the misuse of his official powers. The President should agree with the party by which he s supported as to the principles upon which government should be conducted. It s true that from his position in public le he must have formed opinions on all the great subjects of general and sectiona interest. If he has not great strength of mind he may find himself at times attracted too strongly by his partialities, or repel by his aversions. Human nature is not exempt from such weaknesses; but ther afford no apology to those who would convert an inconsiderable bias into a swe partisanship. We hear it admitted on all sides ths: the power of the Executive has been "The President," say they, "has an in- stretched beyond the limits of the Cons direct influence, not conferred by the Con- tution. It has even been charged as a stitution, but acquired through certain reproach that our President is extrinsic channels, too effective to be neg-powerful than the King of Great Britas d. We have seen," they continue, That no such power was intended to b 1 E given by the Constitution, we have the authority as well as the unanswerable arguments of one of the strongest supporters of an efficient Executive, General Hamilton. Suffering, as at this moment we are, from the autocratic assumptions of a professedly democratic President, the Constitution calls loudly for the correction of this dangerous and growing evil. The present time appears opportune for this purpose. The Whig party have nominated a man who makes one pledge, the only pledge a President should make -the only pledge Washington would make-to administer the government according to the Constitution; an avowed supporter of the views entertained by the early Presidents of that instrument. Under the circumstances how can Whigs desert their principles and their organization in order to carry agitations, which ought to be confined to Congress, into the administration of the government? But should the free soil party consent to use such means, and so far prove successful as to elevate to the presidency some one of the numerous aspirants to office, who are ready to ride into place and power on any wave of popular opinion, they have no right to expect consistency or even common honesty from him. The use of inscrupulous means leads naturally to lisregard of right and duty. Should Mr. Van Buren be elected through their votes, might he not say to the disinterested friends who procured his election-Gentlemen, although I owe to you my success, and feel under the greatest obligations to you for your support, yet I have no power to aid your plans, though you have my heartiest wishes for their success. Judging from the political character. of that gentleman, would he not be likely to use such language, at once soothing to the irritated feelings of the South and unanswerable by his friends at the North? Any other result than this would disappoint calculations based upon the history of a political life, reflecting little credit on the consistency of political men. If there is a single argument in support of the free soil movement, unanswered by us, it must be somewhere involved in the fashionable declaration against Presidents who do not advocate universal liberty. We hear it said with apparent sincerity by men from whom we have a right to expect fair reasons, we will vote for no man who is not a friend of universal liberty. If there is any force in this language, independent of all ability in the President to aid or impede the progress of universal liberty, we have yet to learn wherein it consists. When the country is favored with an exposition of the latent meaning of this declaration, it will be time enough to meet its arguments or dispel its sophisms. LACONICS. 1. THEOPHRASTUS, the inventor of that species of writing which aims with a polite ridicule at the vices of manners, not only delights me with his delineations of Athenian character, but persuades me that men in a Democracy are the same in all ages. I am led by his exemplars to believe, that the bad manners of Democracy spring from insolence, as those of Monarchies do, chiefly, from servility of mind. 2. Vivax is a rich man of talent; a favorite at the Free and Easy. On his second visit to me, he bursts open my door, and coming up, administers me a friendly salutation on my head with a cane. I rise in terror, prepared for a conflict; it is a robber or some furious sot. What an error! it is only a snob. 3. Tigellinus has a rare appreciation of character if you are courteous with him, he is insolent; if mild, he is cruel; if rude and audacious, he is meek and polite. 4. Pestalozzi lives surrounded by a cir- | cle of admiring friends. He nurses a proud superiority. Pestalozzi does not know that the circle of his fame doth not extend so far, that he cannot in an hour travel out of it. What a sad spectacle is this worthy man escaped into the world! 5. Greatness is fond of disguises. It delights to show itself only when the occasion appears. There is a philosophy, dare I call it, arisen of late, which would have us always on the alert, and ready with our heroism. Those who practice this, are easily known by a certain air of subdued conceit; their faces shine with it. 6. "If I dared make a comparison between two very unequal conditions, I would say, that the man of character' does his duty, as the slater his slating, without thought of the danger; death to him is an inconvenience of the trade, (métier,) and never an obstacle. The first is no more elated with having appeared in the trench, or carried a work, than the other with having mounted a high roof or a pinnacle. They are only two workmen busy with perfect ing their work, while the fanfaron (coxcomb) works that men may say it is well done."-La Bruyère. 7. The time so long desired, so long prayed for, has arrived. 8. No man is my master but he who, without any equivalent, supplies my wants. If any man feeds my stomach or my vanity, he is so far necessary to me, and, if he is wise, can use me to his purposes. 9. The tyrant of tyrants is that unseen and blameless one, the public. It follows us into the closet, and hurts the sincerity of our prayers. 9. Who are those that criticise the great and good? Let us watch them and see what great matter they will produce. 10. Respect thyself? O yes, who would not? But one must love men very dearly to say that. 11. The proudest race of men in the world are the negroes of Ashantee, and the half Arabs of Abyssinia. They are excellent heroes by some creeds. 12. There are two kinds of stolidity, the intellect and of the heart. One 25sumes the name of magnanimity, the other of respect. One is the vice of the Arist crat, the other of the Toady. The one the shadow of the other. 13. A Spanish grandee, it is said. not go an hundred yards afoot, but m have his horse under him, be the wor never so short. So is it with techni authors: they invite a neighbor to ner with the feeling of a trope; they grammar and rhetoric where men of be ness merely speak. 14. Those whom I mean to be m careful not to offend, are the weak, be cause they cannot easily avenge the selves, and the strong because they ca 15. An utter fool does everything a fool; but an utter fool is a natural possibility. 16. Folly appears more in the mars” than in the matter of action; roguery in the matter than in the manner. 17. There are to be met persons figure, and of much outward consequence, to whom your only possible courtesy, is to ask them if they will take another slice of the beef. 18. The characteristic of a Yankee is impudence; of a New-Englander, independence. 19. Mopsa met me in the street yesterday, and stopped to converse, but had nothing ready to say. I am very sorry for Mopsa, and shall be careful not to see her again, if I can do so without offence. 20. Desiderius has inquired this day about my uncle's health, for the three hundred and sixty-fifth time within the year. Either the memory of Desiderius is bad, or he is a foolish fellow. 21. Bombastes honored me to-day with a very deep bow, garnished with a fine smile. I have not said anything of * Bombastes, either good or bad, to any mortal; I have not even thought of him this month. My reputation is rising. 22. Seeing all men rude, thought I, why not I also! So saying, I nodded familiarly to the venerable Eugenius. garded it calmly; but for me, I was shamed. He re 23. To exceed the truth is better than to fall below it; as it is less a fault to overrate than to underrate. 24. I once knew a very haughty gentleman who made it a point to underrate what he described, for fear of seeming fond or solicitous. The trick pleased awhile, but soon disgusted more than the worst exaggeration. 25. Next to speaking truth, the most lifficult art is to speak eloquently. 26. Laughter and Pity are alike chilIren of Pride. Why then are we more villing to laugh than to weep, in public, or t a play? Because a deep sensibility is he greatest ornament of character. A pubic exposure of its signs, brings a suspicion f affectation or hypocrisy. Again, to weep at the recital of fictitious sorrows, is proof of inexperience; and there be no erit in laughter, nor in the want of heart, may yet be magnanimous to suppress irth and pity. Mirth, however, is an niversal affection, and places us in sympahy with the whole world, but pity isotes, and distinguishes. 27. Men of sense abhor nothing more an a senseless obstinacy; the ignorant mistake their jealousy on this head for an irresolute temper of mind, while the headstrong partisan passes for a man of principle. 28. Perfect liberty allows of no partialities; the genuine republican cannot be a very violent partisan. The dullest fellows are those, who think that liberty consists in being of the liberty party. 29. A free government is a government modelled upon the plan of a free mind. 30. Martyrs of obstinacy are to martyrs of faith, as one hundred to one. 31. The whole world is jealous, and rouses itself, against one who is just entering upon a great reputation. His friends, even, think it hard to grant him that which seems to lessen them, and which brings their penetration in question. The mediocre people wait for the decision of their superiors, before they dare publicly favor a rising genius. 32. Herillus has a modest opinion of his own wisdom. He dares not assert even that wine, if used in excess, will intoxicate, unless Scripture bears him out in that opinion. Plato, says the learned and truly modest Herillus, thought virtue commendable, and the ancients generally considered those prudent who conducted their affairs wisely. 33. When we can see no reason for an absurd behavior, we laugh at it; if we suspect a secret and powerful reason, we are astonished. Hence the laughter of the sceptical, the wonder of the superstitious. It is difficult to resist numbers; we cannot believe in the folly of assembled thousands, though the folly of one is easily felt and despised. 34. We laugh at an absurdity which proceeds from wrong imaginations, but not at those which proceed from mere stupidity, or want of power. Laughable absurdities of conduct seem to flow from an excess of character in some one direction, not from a total defect of character. 35. There is nothing ludicrous in superstition or in selfishness. Ludicrous points of character flow out of vanity or sentimentality, false ambition or false sympathy. 36. Pride is not ludicrous, but only hateful, or terrible. At a conceit founded in opiniou we laugh, but not at a serious self-conceit, over which argument has no power. |