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It will be our endeavor in the following If the Court decides, in the first conpages, to consider the question that is now troversy that may arise and be referred to injuriously dividing the national opinion, in it, that slaves cannot be held in the terria mood more philosophical, and if possi- tories, the Wilmot Proviso principle takes ble more conclusive, than that of sectional effect, and slavery is forbidden in the teror partisan feeling ; and, at the same time, ritories of the United States. to discuss some dangerous doctrines, that If it decides that they can be held, then have passed unnoticed, or at least uncon- the Calhoun principle takes effect, and futed, during its recent agitation in the slavery is fixed upon all territories not proSenate and in the House.

tected by the ordinance of 1787, the Mis

souri Compromise, or the concession to the “ In the Senate of the United States, July citizens of Oregon. 18th, Mr. Clayton of Delaware, chairman of

Thus it the select committee on the territories of Ore will have to bear up against the whole .

appears that the Supreme Court gon, California, and New Mexico, reported a bill for the organization of territorial govern- cide in toto

for the whole territory in ques

South or the whole North. It must dement in each of them.”

tion. It is proposed in this bill, to allow the The clauses in the Constitution upon will of the citizens of Oregon, expressed in which the Court will be obliged to ground the temporary system of laws which they its opinion, in regard to the existing law, have adopted, to prevail against the intro- and touching the power of Congress to duction of slaves in their territory, and in make laws, should that be agitated, are regard to other regions, to refer the whole the following: matter to the Supreme Court, to be decided in private controversy.

“1. No person held to service or labor in one

State, under the laws thereof, escaping into an* National Intelligencer, July 191h, 1848. The other, shall

, in consequence of any law or regucommittee consisted of four from the North and lation therein, be discharged from such service four from the South.

or labor ; but shall be delivered up on claim of

the party to whom such service or labor is 4. “ The migration, or importation, of such due."

persons as any of the States shall think proper to

admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior The question may arise, whether the to the year 1808 ; but a tax or duty may be imlaw applies to slaves held in the territories posed on such importation not exceeding ten

dollars for each person.” of the United States.

As this clause confers the extraordinary "2. Congress shall have power to dispose of, power of prohibiting the introduction of and make all needful rules and regulations re

slaves, after the year 1808, into States exspecting the territory, or other property, belonging to the United States, and nothing in this isting at the time of the adoption of the Constitution shall be so construed as io preju- Constitution, the question arises, whether dice any claims of the United States, or of any it does not confer the same power in particular State."

regard to the new States, and, a fortiori,

in regard to territory. The question may arise, whether a law of Respect for the august tribunal of the Congress forbidding slaves to be held in the nation forbids our attempting, in the presterritories in question, does not prejudice ent posture of affairs, to elicit the true the claims of some particular States. And intent of the Constitution. We mean to if

any State shall object to such law, on enter only upon the general question of the strength of this clause, in defence of policy, and of the idea of the Constitution, some one of its citizens, then,—whether in order to an examination of certain docthe claim of a citizen to hold slaves is trines put forth by Mr. Calhoun in his the claim also of his State ; in a word, speech upon the Oregon bill. whether any State can appear

in the busi- If we admit the opinion of Mr. Calhoun, ness, either as plaintiff or defendant. that there is a joint ownership of the terri

Whether the words “ rules and regula- tories in the States, each State maintaining tions” confer the power of making laws its right over them, the most natural against the introduction of any species of course would seem to be a division of the property, or declaring any kind of proper- territories, according to the common rules ty contraband in territories of the United and methods for the division of property States.

held by several owners. A property line By the 14th clause, section viii., of the dividing the portion claimed by the North Constitution, Congress has power “to from that claimed by the South, seems in make rules for the government and regula- that case to be the obvious, and only just, tion of the land and naval forces."

remedy for discontent; a remedy which the It appears that a “rule” may be made parties might demand ; but we hold the for “government ;" and if of army and notion of a joint ownership to be grounded navy, does it apply also to territory? upon a false view of the nature of the

property. “ 3. Congress shall have power to exercise

The Committee did not, however, adopt exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, this view, at least in express terms. They over such district (not exceeding ten miles only urge, that slavery has its natural square) as may, by cession of particular States boundaries, and would not probably peneand the acceptance of Congress, become the trate north of the latitude of 36° 40'. * Mr. seat of government of the United States ; and to Calhoun urged the same argument against exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in the proposition of those which the same shall be, for the erection of

who wished to fix a geographforts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and ical line, beyond which slavery should not other needful buildings.”

be lawful. As slavery continues to exist

at this day in Kentucky, and formerly The question may arise whether the existed in Massachusetts and Connecticut, phrase, “in all cases whatsoever,” confers and will easily extend and maintain itself the power of legislating on the subject of on rich prairie and bottom lands, in temperslavery, in such district, or ceded space, ate climates, even when slaveholders themand whether, by construction a fortiori, the selves are averse to its extension, the power extends to territory.

arguments of the committee pass but as


suggestions, of value to those only who | The arguments employed by Mr. Calhoun feel satisfied from a general view, that are directed against the total fabric of the slavery will not overrun the whole of the Constitution, nay, against the very idea of new territories. Hence it is probable that liberty itself. He treats the principles of the anxiety of the North will not be wholly the Declaration with a contemptuous ridiabated by the adoption of the bill, cule ; he strikes at the very heart of De

On the other hand, it was agreed by the mocracy. majority of the committee, that some re- He condemns and derides the Declaragions require slave labor: which seems to tion of our fathers, that “all men are crebe an additional argument against referring ated equal.” Against the opinions exthe matter to the Supreme Court. For if pressed by the Senator, it seems proper to the Court decides against the legality of protest at the outset, though in the order slavery, those regions which require slave of his argument they should be mentioned labor will be injured by the decision. Had last. a committee been appointed to investigate The Republic was established by its the nature and present condition of the founders, on the idea of Man as he should new territories, with a view to set their be. economical arguments in a clearer light, If, then, it falls, it falls by the elevation the idea of a geographical line would not of its principles. “All men,” says Jefferhave so much excited the animosity of son, in the Declaration, are created parties : for the committee could have equal :” declaring that men, as they are marked out upon the map those countries gradually moulded by the creative hand, upon which slavery would be injurious and arrive by nature and Providence at and unprofitable; and, after that, no man adult perfection, attain to the glorious would object to an act of Congress “to equality of freedom. prevent an injurious and unprofitable exten- We say of young oaks and elms that sion of slavery” beyond what Mr. Calhoun they are created to be the monarchs of the and the committee regard as its “natural forest, just as we say that man is created limits."

for freedom. Of a million acorns only one The North, it is feared, will be disturbed comes to be an oak, and of a thousand by a decision of the Supreme Court, oaks only one becomes one of the equal which excludes them from all influence sons of the forest; and so of men. over the territory to which they claim an This idea of human destiny, so far from equal right, and over which an equal right being a dogma of philosophy, is the first idea is conceded them by the South ; nor does of the common law; the law deals with it seem to be good policy to throw the all equally : even in the infant, it presupburden of so dreadful a question upon the poses the adult, and protects the hope of court, to the injury, in any event, of its a perfect man in the mere embryo. authority and popularity. We would once more call attention to the fact, that the de- tution or body of laws, there stands a syscision, either way, will affect all the terri- tem of principles, more profound in their tories except Oregon, and will of course be origin, and of greater force, than either. a signal for the most furious opposition. This system receives its life, its substanWhatever, therefore, be the difficulties and tial force, from the idea of the destiny of dangers of the policy of a geographical man; be that a base, or a free, destiny. line an extension of the Compromise sup- The form of this system, on the other ported by Mr. Clay in 1820—the plan hand, varies with time and circumstance offered by the Committee does not seem it changes, or seems to change, while the to involve fewer, or less alarming, conse- substance remains unchangeable. The quences.

idea of a free and perfect human being, is The retaliation movement against the the eidolon and the palladium, the image compromise policy, led by Mr. Calhoun of Deity in man, which symbolizes and and supported by all the power of his elo- measures both law and liberty, in this quence, should it prevail ihrough his argu- | land. Its place is in the inmost reces: ments, and not for other reasons more politic, of the heart of a freeman. From thence i will be a fatal triumph over the Whig Party. I will not be removed by force; the art:

ce Within and above every written consti

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