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rther parts of the country, and had in fact sacrificed their interests; and it was, in an special manner, objected to by the legisaturc of Pennsylvania, from which body a jrotest came up to Congress, declaring, jefore the passage of the bill, that they lever would consider themselves bound by iuch an arrangement of the politicans at IVashington.

Mr. Ingersoll argued in the course of his ipeech:—

"What was the true cause of the expedient rrangement, of which we are trying to combat he never-ending eudurance? One might feel ome hesitation in making the inquiry and jiving the reply, were not the way already pened, and the example set by the representaives of the South. That was the region of xcitement, and it required relief. We are old of the disturbed and distracted condition rhich had been reached. It was, says the genleman from Georgia, a crisis of a fearful cnarcter. So it was. The bonds of society were Jilt asunder. Civil war impended. Not only lie political Union, the bright inheritance left 3 the care of a posterity unmindful of the richess of the blessing, was in danger, but the best ttachments of social life and affectionate relaonship were forgotten. While all was trannil in the North except the anxious throbbings f patriotic bosoms at the dread of anticipated ^islation, the elements of discord were else•here in fervid motion, and brother was preircd to take up arms against brother. In one authern city, it is said, two parties met in ireatening and frowning defiance, each headi by men of worth, well known then by their >rmer, as they are now by their later services, toe blow struck, and the sun might have gone own on fraternal discord, a reluctant and rering witness to the shedding of human blood, nt his morning beams would have shone again pon a happy union; the firmament would not, i the course of nature, have been the darker ir the absence of a single star."

In the session of 1845-6, a discussion x>k place on the naturalization laws, rowing out of certain resolutions of the legislature of Massachusetts, which would rotect the ballot-box and the elective ■anchise from abuses and frauds. It had ecn contended that Congress could not ct upon these resolutions, the subject '-•ing exclusively within the control of tat* legislation. In the course of the discission the origin of the Native American arty was frequently alluded to. In alluon to its position and that of the other

parties in the House, Mr. Ingersoll playfully remarked:—

"Such is the social communion of Whigs and Democrats. They harmonize in everything but political sentiment. No so the third party, which stands aloof, in voluntary seclusion, if not in proud distrust. It maintains a position like that which in architecture is said to enhance the magnificence of a Grecian temple, when placed, as it ought to be, on elevated ground, and gaining, by distance, an unobstructed prospect, at once grandeur and distinctness for the view, it stands unmated and alone.

"Iu casting my eye around this diversified assembly, I am led to compare its human proportions and intellectual varieties With the natural phenomena described by travellers as exhibited by the vast chain of mountains near the Pacific Ocean in South America, which rise in successive plateaux, like so many huge natural terraces, far above the clouds. Trees of the largest size and the most luxuriant foliage grow and flourish upon some of those proud eminences of the Andes, and form, as it were, the basis of still loftier regions piled upon them. These are emblematic of the Whig party, always fresh in vigor, rich in patriotism, and rooted in the immovable basis of the Constitution. Among them one appears crowned with years and honors, green in the maturity and venerable in the dignity of age. Higher up the mountain trees become more numerous, but less firmly attached to the soil; not deeply planted, or standing in stern defiance of the fury of the elements, but moved and agitated by the passing breeze. These are emblems of a dominant majority, which yields conservative principle to its rivals, and professes and acts upon a different rule. Still higher up, above the level of perpetual snow, where no other animated being is found, far abovo the habitation, and almost beyond the curious gaze of the most enterprising traveller, dwells that mightiest of winged animals, the condor, poised in mid-air between the moon and earth, fixing its eye upon that cold planet of the night, which astronomers assures us has no atmosphere, or none common to the rest of the system—flapping in interminable seclusion its ponderous and solitary wing."

In the debate on the Oregon question, the following extracts from a speech delivered by him, will serve to show the course of argument pursued by Mr. Ingersoll :—

"That treaty has been well designated in former times, just as it is now, a treaty of joint occupation. I should bp sorry to relinquish for it that character. Give up that, and your antagonist stands on vantage ground. If his numerous posts—some of them strong and extensive—are not harmless by consent, as establishments contomp'ated by the treaty, they are settlements of defiance and opposition, which may have derived strength from time and independent existence. They may create new elements of trouble, which the provisions of joint occupancy are calculated effectually to prevent. Mr. Gallatin uniformly thus denominated it; so does Mr. Buchanan. It was offered, protocolled, accepted, acted on, and has always been treated as such. Its language admits of no other interpretation. Good faith would forbid a departure now from its long-understood nature and name, even if policy suggested (as it clearly does not) a change. Notice of the termination of this agreement is urged—uncompromising one-sided notice—with no consultation of the convenience of the other party, with no deference for the ordinary rules of courtesy, merely because the treaty provides for it as a dernier resort, in the possible failure of other means, as furnishing in any event a reserved right, to a certain extent, in either party, if other opportunities should be foreclosed. Between individuals, what is the course of conduct on occasions of strict analogy? The law gives a right to distrain when rent is in arrear: does a landlord, therefore, seize at once the household goods of a thriving tenant? Does the lender of a sum of money, for an indefinite period, to a friend, send the sheriff to arrest, him within four and twenty hours of the time of loan? These are rights— perfect rights; but they would not be exercised in a community that is fit to live in. Notice is of the same character. No principle of law is better established than this: 'Summum jus summi injuria.'"

"What is the purport of the present bill? It extends Iowa jurisdiction over the whole territory which is in dispute, and it reserves to the subjects of Great Britain the rights and privileges secured by the third article of the treaty of 1818 and that of 1827, only ' until said treaty stipulation shall cease, by virtue of the notice provided for in the second article,' and no longer. It thus assumes Oregon for our own; enforces at once, by threat of arms, and after a brief period of a few short months, in rigorous exercise, at the point of the bayonet, the laws of the Republic over every inch of land and every living soul; proposes grants, with unsparing spirit, by hundreds of fair acres, as temptations to settlers; assumes absolute control over trade and intercourse with all the Indian tribes; organizes and equips a military force; and lays down a mail route from St. Joseph's, Missouri, to the mouth of the Columbia river. It extirpates from the face of the Oregon earth the British race and name, and it -'--•tatjie standard of liberty and the Union, in T»d uncompromising supremacy, on T eminence.

"Our question is not whether Great Britain ought to acquiesce in this high-handed course, but whether, in the fair estimate of probabilities, she will. Remember, you have already offered her one-half, and she has refused it with disdain. Do you seriously believe that she will content herself with none? Will her desires, which even six belts of latitude cannot satisfy, be satiated with less than the measure of a grave? The leaves of the sybil acquired new value in the eye of the possessor, as they were reduced in number. You have by Tout own act persuaded England to believe that sh« ought to indulge some hopes—that she has more than the shadow of a shade. You have repeatedly, in times past and present, proposed to give her barely less than she was willing to receive. By what scale of reason or philosophy is her expected satisfaction in the futnre to be measured? She asked you for bread; you offered to share with her your loaf, and she has cast it in an angry spirit away. She again asks you for bread; you give her a stone, and you believe she will receive it, if not with gratitude, at least without a frown! It is gravely argued on this floor that your notice shall be given, and that, at the expiration of the term assigned by it, forcible possession shall be taken of every inch of the disputed ground; and yet there will be no war! A powerful nation, armed to the teeth, her banners fanned for ase« by conquest's crimson wing, not distinguished for the patience of her temper or her tender love for these United States, will stand tamely by and patiently behold her cherished settlements assailed and scattered; her time-honored charters violated and trampled in the dust; her subjects dragged before foreign magistrates and condemned by foreign laws; their property confiscated, their persons imprisoned, their lives perhaps sacrificed! If, in the wide-reachinir and sagacious policy of that deep-seated throne, there be one circumstance to which it clings with more tenacity than all the rest, it u the tender, ardent zeal, the maternal affection, with which it watches over, protects, and cherish the children of the realm in every corner acd quarter of the globe. This never-ceasing c»<> is the incentive to patriotism and the rewiri of loyalty. Time cannot enfeeble it, tance diminish its freshness or its fervor, or circumstances rob it of a particle of its reciprocal attractiveness and charms. It warms the lief* bosom in the frozen regions of Labrador, and * gives new vigor to the sinews under the burping sun of either India, as well as in tl metropolis of the insular domain. 'I Roman citizen!' was a cry, the Beu which brought on the ruin of a; lian praetor, and drove him into perpe 'I am a Roman citizen !' wa which ascended with the loftiest flig eloquence of Cicero. A similar appe the liegemen of J^nfjanjLJuig inaudi


tercd at the extremity of the diameter of the rth: it would thrill and vibrate in every pulse id nerve of the vast body politic; it would be ■ard and responded to, from the shores of the icific, at the heart and centre of the empire; id all that accumulated wealth which is the ondcr of the world, and all those burnished ms which have never failed to glitter whener the pride of the nation has bidden their iproach, for disaster, for victory, or for deit, in the fens of Walcheren, or on the field

Waterloo, or on the banks of the Missis?pi, or the frozen hills of India, would be put

requisition for the rescue. The colonial licy of England, her vital prosperity, her exence as a nation, are involved in the issue, d it would be madness to suppose that these sential would now, for the first time,

overlooked or forgotten. You are leading 'blindfold a torch-dance in the midst of comstibles, and trusting to the accident that they II not take fire, when you act and argue as proposed."

"Refuse at last is taken in the alleged disvery of the Columbia river by Captain Gray. Imitting, for the sake of the argument, all it is claimed in point of fact for this nautical plnil, its priority, nationality, and design, the <*at (bstacle remains—what is its extent! ie answer is familiarly given. A discovery

the month of a river, we are constantly and nfidently told, extends the right which that cumstance confers to the territory drained

its waters. A principle like this might pos>ly suit some of the rivers, as thev are called, the fine estuary which receives the waters of 'Susquehanna. They are broad inlets, half dozen miles in length, and are merely bor»'ed from the bay. Possibly you might have rad an inclination towards such a principle

some Dutch legend or Italian romance, i?re a greater prolongation is given by nature the lazy Scheld or wandering Po. But to :ribe to a momentary looker-on of the inhosable debouche of the Mississippi, or even the pacious gulf which distinguishes the entrance

the Amazon, such extensive results would

near akin to positive absurdity. It would ly fall short of that papal bull which 'de nosi mera libertate' drew a line from pole to Ie in favor of their most Catholic Majesties. h?re would such indefinite extension end? noi the main river you would ascend all its bntary streams, thence gaze with gloating p?iite upon every mountain rill; and if, ■ough the bases of the Stony Mountains, :i" dark cavern sheds a modest drop from its 'cure and benighted bed on the eastern side the girdle of the Great West, which finds its y to Oregon, this will embrace, by the same gue hypothesis, the land of the Missouri, ; Mississippi, and all the rivers of the contin\. Lawyer after lawyer has built his argu■nt upon this bold assumption."

"'If,' says the Secretary of State to the country and the world, 'the discovery of the mouth of a river, followed up within reasonable time by the first exploration both of its main channels and its branches, and appropriated by the first settlements on its banks, do not constitute a title to the territory drained by its waters in the nations performing these acts, then the principles consecrated by the practice of civilized nations ever since the discovery of the New World must have lost their force. These principles were necessary to preserve the peace of the world.'

"I will not repeat the facts already stated, or ask for an interpretation of 'reasonable time,'' first exploration,' and 'first settlements,' or submit to you the dilemma of draining by Frazer's river about the same time, in seeking to support what are called principles consecrated ever since the discovery of the New World. If there exist for particular objects, and between particular powers, occasional treaties with new clauses in them, these are voluntary acts, the influence of which begins and ends with the high contracting parties who made them. If there be such a principle—a Sacred principle, necessary for the peace of nations, time-honored by the lapse of three hundred and fifty-four years, according to the minute computation of the Secretary, why has it escaped an authentic place in the records of a science which had no existence until after the discovery of the New World, towards the close of the fifteenth e'entury? Grotius, the father of the law of nations, wrote and died in the seventeenth centnr;. Puffendorf was born in the year 1631. Barbeyrac lived and died in the eighteenth century, and Vattel's first edition was published within less than ninety years from the present day, and the last in the year 1844. His work is deservedly held in the highest esteem. It exhibits, however, no trace of the doctrine assumed by you. On the contrary, such a pretension, by which a nation would engross, as I maintain, a wilderness, or, as Vattel says, a much greater extent of territory than it is able to people or cultivate, would be 'an absolute infringement of the natural rights of men, and repugnant to the views if Nature.' Remember how extensive are the fields over which your aspiring claims would run. The bull's hide which was made to cover the circumference of Carthage would be a pigmy illustration. A difficult and dangerous entrance, almost imperceptible to the eye, and almost inaccessible to the boldest keel, gives, it is said, initiate rights to a 'region,'' territory,' an 'entire region —in other words, to a country and a world. Will not such extravagant attempts expose us to jut>t complaints for an overweening ambition, and tend to give support to charges which have been already brought against us?"


The British ministry has brought forward a measure for the repeal of the Navigation Laws. The effect of the proposal would be to throw open to all countries the carrying trade with Great Britain and the colonies, excepting the coasting trade and the fisheries; the Queen in council having power to impose countervailing duties on any foreign nation, which should treat English shipping with injustice, or not meet the concession on equal terms. It is proposed that each colony shall have the power of throwing open its coasting trade, if it shall think fit. The measure met with considerable resistance on its introduction to the House of Commons. The bill for the removal of the Jewish disabilities has been rejected by the House of Lords. By printed returns, it appears that inthe year ending 5th Jan. last 1,956,023 lbs. of silicated soap were made in Great Britain; 160,065,641 lbs. of other hard soap, and 14,279,425 lbs. of soft soap. In the same period there was imported into Great Britain, from Ireland, 170,249 lbs. of hard, and 2.560 lbs. of soft soap. The amount of duty was XI,126 9s. 2d. There were licenses granted to soapmakers—147 in England, 19 in Scotland, and 150 in Ireland. Alexander Baring, Lord Ashburton, died on the 12th of May, in his 74tb year. He was born 27th Oct., 1774, and on the 23d August, 1798, married Anne Louisa, eldest daughter of William Bingham, Esq., of Philadelphia, a Senator of the United States. He entered political life as member for Taunton, in 1806. In 1834, he was President of the Board of Trade, under Sir Robert Peel, and in the following year was raised to the peerage, when he assumed the title formerly borne by his first cousin, ^the celebrated lawyer, John Dunning. The last occasion in which he was engaged in the service of the crown, was the embassy to the United States in 1842, which resulted in a settlement of the long vexed question of tho north-eastern boundary. He was the eldest son of Sir Francis Baring, Bart., and long at the head of the mercantile house of Baring, Brothers & Co.

On the 30th of April, a soirie was given at Limerick to Messrs. Smith O'Brien, Meagher, and Mitchell. In consequence of the disrespectful allusions towards Daniel O'Connell, which these gentlemen had indulged in, a large mob, collected round the building, burnt Mr. Mitchell in effigy, and made an attack on the party; and this assemblage, met for the purpose of advocati ng physical force, was indebted for its safety to the police and military. Some fighting occurred, in which Smith O'Brien got severely treated; and at the breaking up of the soiree, Mr. Mitchell had to be secreted in

a butcher's shop. Several arrests and cooTM tions, under the Arms and Drilling Act. fataken place. O'Brien and Meagher si? brought to trial on the information s^m them for sedition, but escaped conviction, Tj juryman in each case being for an acqtroi It is said they will again be brought to ?>i Mitchell has been arrested, tried and ctx>\"for felony, under the late act. His trul v*< place on the 30th May, and on the foD'wc day he was sentenced to fourteen years" tns portation at Bermuda, and in the afternoon .a conveyed from the prison to a govemmeni *r sel bound for Cork, to be placed on board M ship which is to convey him to his destina'.' Several of the Dublin clubs had annous:their determination to rescue him, in ca» < his conviction, but no attempt was mad*, i though a considerable crowd collected to witjrt his embarkation. Under the sequestna. of his property, consequent on his con? tionN the effects of •' The United Irish**-. newspaper have been seized, and its pubiiftaa is at an end. But Messrs. Reilly &. Mat have issued a prospectus of a succession ■»' called " Tlie Irish Felon."

The returns of the Paris election for ms bers of the French National Assembly. & Lamartine at the head of the list: Dupoot. . l'Eure,) Arago,[Garnier, Pages, Marrast, M^ and Cremieux, members of the Prmisoc Government, follow. Albert (ouvrier) Sbj No. 21, Ledru Rollin, 24 ; Ferdinand Fkw 26; and Louis Blanc, 27; the total nasi being 34. The Assembly met on on the 4u May. M. Buchez was elected President. T members of the late government gave in istatements. Gamier Pages, the Minfavr Finance, stated the receipts for 1848 at \2* 000,000, and the expenses 1,500,000,000 frax Arago, Minister of War, stated the Dm-' ment had issued in two months 446,000 a~ kets to arm the National Guards of Fiv' 150,000 of which were distributed in P» alone. In the event of war, France woa.i a able to bring into the field 500,000 icni* and 85,000 horses. On the 9th of May. »a stormy discussion, the Assembly deckfai'-" for the present the Executive Depart?.'' should be intrusted to a committee of trie. «the following are the numbers of vote* I which they were elected:

Arago, . . 725

Gamier Pages, . .715

Marie, ... 703

lamartine, . . . 643

Ledru Rollin, . . 638

The position of Lamartine in this list, * I'injr to the strenuous efforts he made to ine the appointment of Rollin, and the consent suspicion of the moderate party. His Hilarity has, from this conduct, considerably :lined, as he is believed to fear the influence that turbulent demagogue, or to have too ch sympathy with his principles. The affairs of Poland were made by the m democrats of Paris, a pretence for an ick on the Assembly, which for some time eatened the destruction of the Government. lile the Assembly was engaged in discussing

affairs of Italy, an immense body of men Mouses, headed by Barbes, Blanqui, and ers, approached the hall to demand in the ne of the people, immediate interference in ialf of Poland. This demonstration was not ixpected by the Government, but from treach

in that body, as is suspected, the orders en to meet the exigency were not put in :e. Bodies of the National Guard and ard Mobile, placed to stop the procession, wed it to pass unopposed, and hardly any osition was offered outside the hall, which s speedily taken possession of by the mob, I the members of the Assembly compelled to re. The scene was worthy of the old obins. The hall was literally stormed; [* were waving, and cries of Vive la Pone! Vive Louis Blanc.' A bas les Aristots! were shouted and distinctly heard above

uproar. Barbes, and a crowd of others, heel to the Tribune and attempted to make mselvea heard. Up to this time all the mhers had retained their seats except Barbes, lis Blanc, and a few others, who mixed ;ly with the crowd. Ledru Rollin attempted speak, but without success. At length rbes obtained a hearing, and moved the Aslbly should declare that the people of Paris

deserved well of their country. Blanqui owed. After this scene had lasted about > hours, Barbes again spoke and demanded t a tax of one milliard, about two hundred lions of dollars, should be levied on the rich,

that whoever should order the rappel to be ten for the National Guard, should be dend a traitor, which was carried by acclamai- He concluded his proposals for extrica! the nation from embarrassment by eximing, "We must re-establish the guillos!" Louis Blanc, placed on a table, was aded round the room. Shortly afterwards, ri the end of a pole, a paper was exhibited, h the words, "The Chamber is dissolved," icli was echoed from all sides. A delegate one of the clubs mounted the tribune, and lared the National Assembly dissolved, ersupon the President was driven from his lir, over which a red flag surmounted by a 'of liberty was raised, and the deputies re driven from their seats, which were vetlily filled-by the mob. ^earing an attack from the National Guard,

the ruffians and their leaders, then left the chamber and proceeded to the Hotel de Ville, where several members of the clubs named as a Provisional Government, Louis Blanc, Barbes, Albert, Blanqui, Raspail, Huber, Sobrier, Proudhon, Pierre Leroux, and Cabet. About five o'clock, Gen. Courtais, Barbes, Blanqui and others were arrested, and the riot suppressed, but the guard remained under arms all night. Several of the clubs have since been entirely suppressed, and upwards of 200 arrests have been made. Leave lias been asked of the chamber to permit the prosecution of Louis Blanc. No further disturbances have occurred, but the Assembly has since been protected during its sittings by an immense military force; 40,000 troops of the line have been recalled to Paris, and the command of the National Guard transferred to Col. Clement Thomas. Considerable quantities of warlike stores have been seized, and the Prefect of Police, HI. Causidiere, was so much implicated that he found it necessary to resign.

The grand national fete went off without disturbance. The 45 per cent, added by the Provisional Government to the direct taxes, produced 34,558,974 francs to the 10th May. A million of francs was voted on the 22d May for the national workshops, from which 115,000 (in Paris) are receiving pay, and performing little,if any, labor: the Assembly have declared their intention of breaking up these establishments. Should the present national expenditure continue for twelve months, it will leave a deficit of about 185 millions of dollars. The receipts for the first four months of 1848, as compared with the same period of 1847, show a diminution of 33,333,000 fr., of which 16,310,000 is for the first three months, and 17,023,000 for April alone. The import duties for the like period in 1848 produced 26,786,968 francs, against 43,720,267 in 1847. In April, 1847, they amounted to 10,750,672, and in the same month in 1848, only 3,764,590 fr. The Committee on the Constitution have adopted two resolutions, viz., that there shall be a single President and a single Chamber, elected by universal suffrage. The report of the Committee is not expected till the end of June. A serious difficulty between the Assembly and the Executive Committee arose, which caused Lamartine and Ledru Rollin to threaten to retire. The Committee claimed to have entire control of the measures for the protection of the Assembly, and to an exemption from attendance at its sittings. The difficulty, which appeared serious, was compromised by the exemption being allowed except at the call of 40 members for explanations or statements, and by leaving the protectionary arrangements with the Committee, with a controlling power in the President of the Assembly.

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