in a circle. The crowd fell back, and while | there was a pause, Cleon, in a loud voice, called upon the Archon to fulfil the contract that himself had signed. He had by stealth procured it, and now proceeded to read it aloud to the assembly, declaring also that he was a free Athenian and of a noble descent. When the councillors of the old Archon heard this declaration, they pressed him eagerly to fulfil the contract, for at this time they were in danger of a war with Athens, and dared not injure an Athenian citizen. Stupefied with the suddenness of the calamity, the Archon consented, and Cleon, followed by his brave companions, went immediately to the house of Agathon to find his bride.

When the mother of Lucia saw a company of armed men coming to the house, she barred and bolted the doors, and going above to a window, near the entrance, inquired what they would have. "I am Cleon," said the leader of the band: "I have killed the Archon's son, and now I come to claim the girl. She is mine by nature, by the laws, and by the will of Heaven." When the fiery wife of Agathon heard these words, she remained for some time pale and speechless with the most venomous rage. But presently coming down, she opened the door, and bade them enter. They followed her through the various chambers of the house until they came before the door of Lucia's chamber, which opening she motioned Cleon to enter. With a misgiving mind, he did so, and saw sitting on a miserable couch, the Lucia of his soul, pale and wasted with long sorrows. Her dress was a white robe with bridal or naments. As he entered, she rose and came forward to salute him. "I am ready," she said, putting on a cheerful look; "the wedding is to-night." When Cleon saw that Lucia did not

recognize him, he groaned in the agony of his mind. "Lucia,' he said, "I am Cleon, and it is I whom you are to marry this night. Come, Lucia, go with me." He spoke these words very gently, and then advancing laid hold upon her hand. She, however, retired a step backward, and when she had gazed for awhile intently upon his face, uttered a sharp cry, laying both hands upon her heart, and fell backwards and expired. Instantly Cleon raised her in his arms and brought her forth from the chamber; but when the mother saw that her daughter was at length dead, she drew from her own girdle a short knife, and coming upon Cleon from behind. as he stooped over the fallen form of Lucia, struck him on the neck behind, so that he fell forward and died upon the bosom of his bride. So ends the tale of the passionate lovers; and now, my friends, let us confess that over the lives of some men there presides a jealous and avenging Deity, who will not suffer their least wrong action to pass unavenged.

The guests were dissolved in tears when Socrates concluded the story of the lovers, for they had hoped that it would end happily, and could not endure the painful catastrophe. Then Euripides exclaimed, "O Socrates, you have wounded our hearts; for without the charm of music and of verse, such things are intolerable. Had these misfortunes fallen unjustly upon Cleon as they did on Lucia, we might have fortified our souls with unbelief, or had they succeeded in their wishes, we should have rejoiced with them; but now there is no consolation." "Let us be ware, then," said Diotima, "that even for love's sake we commit no crimes."

It was now late, and after a few words the company retired sadly to their homes.

THE great act of New England, during the first half of the seventeenth century, was the subjugation of Louisburg. The ability of her yeomanry, the success of her merchants, the enterprise of her mariners, the flourishing condition of her schools, and the learning and piety of her clergy, had given to New England a name and a praise throughout Europe, long before this. But the power that she was able to wield by the combined energy of her people and government, when directed towards a single purpose, had never before been known. The capture of Louisburg came like the sudden report of masked artillery, upon the mother country. The attention of her people had been directed towards the great captains, who were marshalling their forces on the battlefields of the continent. They had neither feared defeat nor expected glory to the British arms, from the feeble colonies of New England. But when the news came that the hitherto impregnable fortress of Louisburg had surrendered to the courage and skill of the colonial militia, grudgingly aided by a few ships from the national fleet, and it became manifest that the prowess of the daughter had already begun to shed new lustre upon the escutcheon of the mother, it may well be doubted whether the ministry did not even then foresee in the future a strength and purpose, with which England must grapple in ife-earnest, in order to subdue it to her auhority. While the newspapers chroni:led, in glowing narrative, the heroism and >ravery of the colonial forces, and the joy of the populace was expressed in brilliant lluminations, the government took no noice of the event, or such notice only as rould suffice to screen its members from opular indignation. The ministerial meaures of the thirty years which followed hat victory-measurs involving oppressive 37

VOL. I. NO. VI. NEW SERIES.

taxation, retrenched rights, violated charters, unjust imprisonments, and iniquitous laws against the persons and property of the colonists-fully reveal the ever-growing jealousy of Great Britain from that moment, towards her possessions on this side of the great waters.

To the colonists, on the other hand, the reduction of Louisburg was a great stride towards political freedom. They had never wanted the courage to assert, they began to feel now that they had the power to defend, their civil liberties. From the outset, the love of liberty was a plant of religious growth on the soil of New England. To the old Puritan, every event was under the superintending Providence of an all-seeing God, and while he strove manfully to gain all that a heavenly Parent had bestowed upon his children, he was not backward to acknowledge the spiritual power which had nerved his arm for the conflict. Nothing to him was the result of chance, and scarcely anything the effect. of natural causes. His religion was of a character which admitted neither of despair under reverses, nor doubt of ultimate success. Obstacles in his pathway he counted as trials of his faith, and bravely surmounted them; hindrances to his plans were the wise ordainments of One who knew a better way to accomplish them; tempests upon the ocean, famine upon the land, destruction to human life, were each the rods of discipline, which a heavenly Father used in love for his ultimate good. Neither difficulties, nor hardships, nor dangers, nor reverses, nor failures, were of avail to drive him from his purpose. In everything he recognized the aid of the Spirit; in every emergency he sought for light in prayer; in the hour of darkness he "Saw God in clouds, and heard him in the wind," and was humbled.

"If you have an opportunity to send me a horse and bridle, I should be glad to have it done. A saddle I can have here. If you can

not do so, I design to buy a horse to bring the girl up, for I am determined, if it is in my power, that you shall have help by a maid, to ease you of some of your hard labor. I have been about buying a negro man, a smith, and have offered £400 for him, but it will not fetch him. I am loth to go any higher. £500 is his price.

"Please to send your inclinations in the affair, if an opportunity presents, and also anything you may have forgotten, which is wanted. My love to you and the children, and am, my dear, your true and faithful husband,

"SETH POMEROY."

It may be a matter of interest to know the value of a negro slave in New England one hundred years ago. The £500 spoken of in the preceding letter as the price of the man, were in the new tenor currency, issued by the General Court in 1740; the bills issued in 1737 being designated middle tenor, and all the old bills, (which were depreciated to one quarter their original value, so that traders took £4 for £1,) old tenor. Of the new tenor currency 9s 8d were worth or convertible in value to one ounce of silver, while at the same time 5s 2d sterling were equal in value to one ounce of silver. The new tenor currency then was worth about three-fifths of the same denominations, sterling money, so that £500 new tenor were equal to £300 sterling, somewhat above $1300 in Federal money. Notwithstanding all that has been said, slaves were then of no small bona fide value in New England, up to the very time when the decision of the Courts abolished it.

We cannot close the account of this part of Pomeroy's life, without subjoining the reflections he appended to his Louisburg Journal, upon the remarkable providences which attended the expedition. The special interposition of the Deity in all human affairs, was at that day no matter of doubtful faith. The reader may smile at what seems to him a fanciful superstition, but he should never forget that what is now, in our practically infidel age, but an article of a religious creed, was then an essential element of Christian character. it was the impress of Puritanism stamped pon the life. Its image stood out clear and bright upon the great souls of Eng

land's Commonwealth, making their principles of civil liberty the currency of every age to the end of time; and the strength firm, obdurate and unwavering as it was, of New England in the eighteenth century, derived its lustre from the same broad impression. Without Puritanism, burning its deep features upon the character, the population of New England might have been at this day like the operatives of the mother country, or the canaille of the French provinces, or the serfs of Muscovy, or the lazzaroni of the Italian cities, or the mixed hordes of the Mexican table lands; they might have been like any and every oppressed and degraded people upon earth, but they would not have been New England men. Be it superstitious fancy or vital piety, wild fanaticism or God's eternal truth, certain it is, that without this stern religious creed rooting itself deep into the foundations of her government, and rising with her growth through every extending branch of her body politic, New England would not have been.

"Conclusion of my Louisburg Journal. I would now make some remarks upon the remarkable Providence, in favor of the great design that we were upon. Consider in the outset the scheme that was laid, which was to hasten away as fast as possible, with four or five vessels of force, and they but small, having but faint hopes of Com. Warren's aid, to land at Canso, wait until the transports all arrived and no longer, take the first fair wind and sail to Charborough Bay, land our whole army in the evening, and then with our ladders, axes, crows, grapplings, attack and take possession of the city in one night. This we now know to have been impracticable, and a wise Providence hindered our carrying it out.

"First. Although there were nearly eighty sail of vessels, yet they all arrived safely at Canso. Not a ship lost, not a man in the whole army sick. We lay at Canso about three weeks.

"Second. We thought our lying there to be against us, but do now see to the contrary, for in this time our cruisers took eight sail from

the French. Com. Warren arrived with four ships for our help, and the Connecticut fleet came in all well. During all this time, the weather was cold and wet, and though we several times set sail, we were providentially The weather and prevented from going on.

wind being right on the 29th April, we sailed early in the morning, expecting to land that night, and to march with all our utensils of war to attack the city.

"Third. Although we had a good wind in the morning, yet it died away, so we were prevented from getting to our destination that day. The next morning being pleasant and a clear air, our fleet was discovered by the French, and large numbers came out to prevent our landing.

"Fourth. This at first looked dark for us, but it was ordered in mercy, for several of them were killed and taken, and those that got back into the city gave the inhabitants a great fright, and we appearing the next day in sight, scared them out of the grand battery, of which we took possession.

Fifth. On the 9th it was agreed in grand council to make a bold attempt with our whole army to escalade the walls, but it was merci fully prevented.

Sixth. Another very remarkable thing, the many thousands of bombs and cannon, with an innumerable number of small arms, fired at us,

and only about seventeen persons killed by

them at all our batteries.

"Seventh. Another. The weather during forty-seven days that we were on the island not one bad storm, and but very little rain or fog. The French themselves take notice of it, and say that God fights for the English.

،،

Eighth. Another thing. The Commodore being on shore Saturday, he, with the advice of his council, agreed, that the first fair wind he would sail into the harbor, our forces making.a bold push by land, while he bombarded the city. Just after this, before the Commodore had got on board, the French sent out a flag of truce, and terms were agreed upon for them to deliver up the city. The next day must have been the time for attacking the town, for the wind did well suit for it, and if we had done so, in all human probability it must have proved fatal for our army, and destroyed a great part of them. This must be looked upon as a remarkable providence, that God should incline them to give up the city at that very time. It is evident and plain, that God rules the hearts of men, and that He ruled their hearts, at that time, to give up the city, for they might have kept us out and destroyed us, if we had gone in the way we had just before concluded upon.

Ninth. Another remarkable thing was, that the very next day after we had taken possession of the city, there was rain, with foggy and dark weather. for eight or nine days together. There had not been so much rain by half in the forty-seven days we were outside of the city, as now in four days. This would doubtless have scattered our fleet and army, and given opportunity for the French vessels to get into the harbor, and would have sickened and discouraged, if not wholly broken up our designs. These things, considered together with many others that might be mentioned,

plainly show, that God hath gone out of mon providence in a remarkable and

almost miraculous manner. It is plain to anybody, that will consider and think of these things, that the Lord of hosts and God of armies hath both begun, carried on, and finished this great design, and delivered this strong city into our hands. My hearty desire and prayer is, that as long as I have a being, I may give the great name of God the praise of it, that he has written salvation for New England.”

Col. Williams, who fell ten years after this in the battle near Lake George, was a friend and associate of Pomeroy for In a letter written from the many years. camp a few days after he fell, dated Sept. 12th, 1755, Pomeroy says of him, that "he was deservedly more in the confidence of the commander-in-chief, than any field officer in the army." It is no argument against his military sagacity, that he was surrounded and defeated by the French army. Dieskau had obtained notice, from his Indian runners, that a detachment had been ordered out to meet him. Forming his regulars across the road, in a position where they could not be discovered by the advancing forces until within gun-shot, and posting his Indian allies in advance on each side, where, protected by thick woods, they could form two sides of a hollow square, Dieskau awaited the approach of the American forces. Williams, unsuspecting, advanced into the snare, and at the first fire fell with numbers of his brave New Englanders.

Col. Williams was only forty-two years of age at his death. Disciplined by the adversities of early life, accomplished by foreign travel, distinguished by his military sagacity, which had oftentimes done good service to the State; a gentleman of high breeding, of varied information, and of abundant wealth, there was no man in western Massachusetts who stood higher in the respect and affection of the people In his person he was large and full, easy in his address, and pleasing and conciliatory in his manners. After the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, a large grant of land was made to him, upon which he afterwards resided, having charge of the northwestern line of forts, then the chief safety of the whole western frontier of the State.

Upon taking charge of his regiment as Albany for the Crown Point expedition. presentiment of his fate seems to have rested upon his mind. During the delay