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liberate opinion, more than once repeated, that with the ports, and interior, and roads of Mexico in our possession, we may collect from duties on imports as much as Mexico had been used to do; though how much we may gather from internal duties he will not venture to estimate. Here, then, we have the Administration proposing, with apparent candor and good faith, to collect from Mexico, in the form of regular taxes, while her principal ports and places shall remain in our military occupation, many more millions annually, in hard gold and siver, for the support of the war, than would suffice to pay every dollar of the claims which our citizens have upon the justice of that country; and at the same time-in the same breath-we have it laid down as a fact-clear and unquestionable" as our right to Oregon up to fifty-four forty, or as our right to the Rio Grande as a boundary-that Mexico is utterly unable to pay in anything but land! In such miserable and gross contradictions does the rapacious and dishonest policy of the President constantly involve him. He was resolved, from the beginning, to have territory, as much as he could wring from the fears and distresses of that unhappy country-territory conquered in fact, because forced from its unwilling owner by the terror, and, if need be, by the desolation of our arms; but he wished to put a mask on the harsh and bloody features of the abominable transaction, by providing that the forced cession should pass under the fraudulent guise of a necessary indemnity, with a generous offer of payment, of how many millions we know not, for whatever balance of value there might be over and above the indemnity. This was his policy and his resolution, and hence his labored and awkward attempt to make the country believe, at one and the same moment, that taxation in Mexico would give us millions for the support of the war, but could not be made to produce a farthing for the payment of our claims.

But we return to the point of our argunent and exposition. A principal thing to be secured in a treaty of peace, was the payment of our claims. This was to be done, as the President insists, only by obtaining a cession of territory. Mr. Trist carried out with him a plan of a treaty which embraced this object; and yet is just as

true of this plan, as it is of the CounterProject presented by the Mexican Commissioners, first, that "it contained no provision for the payment by Mexico, of the just claims of our citizens;" and next, that it contained a provision for the cession of territory to the United States "for a pecuniary consideration." If the Counter-Project was objectionable or offensive, on either of these grounds, the plan presented by Mr. Trist was objectionable and offensive to the United States for the same reasons. The form of reaching both points-indemnity, and the cession of territory-was precisely the same in each case. And more than this: the substance of the several provisions, embracing these two objects, and, to a great extent, the language, was identical in the two projects of a treaty, except only-and this was the only essential difference-as to the amount of territory to be ceded. We here place the articles containing these provisions in juxtaposition on our pages, that they may be read together and easily compared; only premising that the matter inclosed in brackets, in the copy first given, was not, according to the authority of the Washington Union, embraced in the original draught furnished to Mr. Trist.

FROM THE DRAUGHT OF A TREATY PROPOSED BY MR. TRIST.

ARTICLE IV. The boundary line between the two republics shall commence in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the Rio Grande; from thence up the middle of that river to the point where it strikes the southern line of New Mexico; thence westwardly along the southern boundary of New Mexico, to the southwestern corner of the same; thence northward along the western line of New Mexico, until it intersects the first branch of the river Gila, or if it should not intersect any branch of

that river, then to the point on the said line

nearest to such branch; and thence in a direct line to the same, and down the middle of said branch and of the said river until it empties into the Rio Colorado, and thence downwards by the middle of the Colorado, and the middle of the Gulf of California, to the Pacific Ocean.

ARTICLE V. In consideration of the extension by the last preceding article, [and by the stipuof the boundaries of the United States, as defined lations which will appear in article No. 8, the United States abandon, for ever, all claims against the United States of Mexico on account of the exponses of the war] the United States

agree to pay to the United Mexican States, at which remains between the river Nueces and the city of Vera Cruz, the sum of the Bravo del Norte. dollars, in five equal instalments, each of dollars; the first instalment to be paid immediately after this treaty shall have been duly ratified by the government of the United Mexican States.

ARTICLE VI. As a further consideration [of article No. 4] for the extension of the boundaries of the United States, as defined by the fourth article of this treaty, the United States agree to assume and pay to the claimants all the instalments now due, or hereafter to become due, under the convention between the two republics concluded at the city of Mexico on the 30th day of January, 1843, "further to provide for the payment of awards in favor of claimants under the convention between the United States and the Mexican republic, of the 11th April, 1839;" and the United States also agree to assume and pay, to an amount not exceeding three millions of dollars, all claims of citizens of the United States, not heretofore decided against the government of the United Mexican States, which may have arisen previous to the 13th of May, 1846, and shall be found to be justly due by a board of commissioners, to be established by the government of the United States, whose awards shall be final and conclusive: provided, that in deciding upon the validity of these claims, the board shall be guided and governed by the principles and rules of decision prescribed by the first and fifth articles of the unratified convention, concluded at the city of Mexico, on the 20th day of November, A. D. 1843; and in no case shall an award be made in favor of any claim not embraced by these principles and rules. And the United States do hereby for ever discharge the United Mexican States from all liability for any of the said claims, whether the same shall be rejected or allowed by the said board of commissioners.

FROM THE COUNTER-PROJECT PROPOSED BY THE MEXICAN COMMISSIONERS.

4th. The dividing line between the two republics shall commence in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the southern mouth of the bay of Corpus Christi, running in a straight line from within the said bay to the mouth of the river Nueces; thence through the middle of that river in all its course to its source; from the source of the river Nueces shall be traced a straight line until it meets the present frontier of New Mexico on the east-south-east side, then follow the present boundary of New Mexico on the east, north and west, until this last touches the 37th degree; which will serve as a limit for both republics, from the point in

which it touches the said frontier of west of

New Mexico to the Pacific ocean. The government of Mexico promises not to found any new towns or establish colonies in the tract of land

5th. In just compensation for the extension of old limits which the United States may acquire by the previous article, the government of said United States is bound to pay over to the republic of Mexico the sum of, which shall be placed in the city of Mexico, at the disposal of the said government of the Mexican republic, in the act of exchanging the ratification of this treaty.

6th. The government of the United States is further bound to take upon itself and satisfy fully to the claimants all the instalments [cantidades] which are due up to this time, and may come due in future, by reason of the claims now liquidated, and decided against the Mexican republic, agreeably to the conventions arranged between the two republics, the 11th of April, 1839, and 30th of January, 1843, in such manner that the Mexican republic shall have absolutely no further payment to make by reason of the said reclamations.

7th. The government of the United States is also bound to take upon itself and pay fully all the claims of its own citizens, not yet decided, against the Mexican republic, whatever may be the title or motive from which they may proceed or in which they are founded; so that from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, there shall remain settled definitely and for ever, the accounts of every kind that exist, or may be supposed to exist, between the government of Mexico and the citizens of the United States.

8th. In order that the government of the United States may be able to satisfy, in observance of the previous article, the claims not yet decided of its citizens against the Mexican republic, there shall be established by the government of the said United States a tribunal of commissioners, whose decisions shall be conclusive and definitive; provided that, on deciding upon the validity of any demand, it may be ad justed by the principles and rules which were established in the articles 1st and 5th of the convention (not ratified) which was held in Mexico on the 20th of November, 1843, and in no case to give sentence in favor of any claim which is not adjusted in the prescribed rules.

Here, then, the state of the case may be seen at a glance. The President proposed through Mr. Trist, in substance, that the line of boundary between the two countries be so drawn that Mexico should cede to the Unitefl States, besides Texas, parts of the several States of Tamaulipas, Coahuila, and Chihuahua, the whole of New Mexico, and the two Californias, comprising, altogether, about 690,000 square miles of territory-rather more than twice the area within the present limits of the old thir

teen States of this Union! This is in the fourth article; and then follows the proposed stipulations on our part, "in consideration of this extension of the boundaries of the United States." The first of these is, to pay a sum of money, in blank, to Mexico; and the next, to assume and pay the claims, liquidated and unliquidated, of our citizens on Mexico. Here we have the President's draught and proposition for a treaty.

And how does the Counter-Project of the Mexican Commissioners differ from this? It proposes that the line of boundary shall be so drawn, that Mexico shall cede to the United States, besides Texas, five degrees of latitude, or more than one half of the territory of Upper California, comprising about 190,000 square miles, or an area larger than that of eleven of the Atlantic States of this Union, taken together, beginning with Maine and running through to Virginia. This is in the fourth article; and then come the articles in which it is stipulated, “in just compensation for the extension of old limits," first, that the United States shall pay to Mexico a sum of money, in blank; and next, this government shall take upon itself to pay and satisfy the claims, liquidated and unliquidated, of our citizens on Mexico. Such is the Counter-Project. And what, we ask, now becomes of the official statement of the Message, that this project proposes to cede territory "for a pecuniary consideration"-as if there was something offensive in that--but contains "no provision for the payment by Mexico of the just claims of our citizens?" If there is no such provision in the plan proposed by Mexico, then there is none in the plan proposed by the President himself.

There was not only indemnity offered in the case, but indemnity of the most ample kind. We do not know that anybody would think of setting up the pretence, that the territory proposed to be ceded was not, at least, equal to the amount of these claims. There cannot be a doubt that it was worth a great deal more, and that equal justice would have required the payment of a considerable balance to Mexico, on account of the cession. It includes the harbor and bay of San Francisco, of itself worth a great deal more to the United States than the three, or four, or five

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millions of Mexican indebtedness. territory is about three times as large as the whole of New-England; and though, no doubt, a considerable portion of it, lying interior, between the coast chain and the Rocky Mountains, is of little value, yet we know that other parts of it have been found valuable enough to attract to it a considerable and increasing emigration from our own country. This is particularly the case with the country on the Sacramento, which is understood to be settled principally by emigrants from the United States. All these settlers would be brought within our own limits by this cession-thus putting an end at once to a serious difficulty which was brewing in that quarter before the war began, and which could hardly fail, sooner or later, to bring on another Annexation question to disturb the peace of the two countries. The Message sets forth in strong terms the advantages, commercial and other, which would accrue to the United States from the possession of Upper California. But all this has its best application to that northern portion, including the bay of San Francisco, which lies above the thirty-seventh parallel. It is this portion of the country that, "if held by the United States, would soon be settled by a hardy, enterprising, and intelligent portion of our population." It is the bay of San Francisco that "would afford shelter for our navy, for our numerous whale ships, and other merchant vessels employed in the Pacific Ocean, and would, in a short period, become the mart of an extensive and profitable commerce with China, and other countries of the East." One thing is certain-the President and his partisans are estopped by the Message from setting up any want of value in the cession which Mexico proposed to make, to constitute a full indemnity, and a good deal more than that, for the claims of our citizens on the justice of that country.

Here, then, we have the important fact that this object of the war, namely, the obtaining of indemnity for our unsatisfied claims on Mexico, was fully met and responded to by that government at the conferences in September, between the Commissioners of the two republics. These claims have figured largely in all the war manifestos of the President. All that he

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upon the expenses of the war, as if he had ever made these expenses any part of his demands upon Mexico for indemnity. He does not make this assertion in terms; that would have been too gross and palpable for him to venture upon. And yet he means that the uninitiated reader shall so understand him. Referring to the project of a treaty, prepared at home, and which Mr. Trist took out with him, and to the fact that by the terms of that plan, the indemnity required by the United States was a cession of territory,” he proceeds to state why it was that this kind of indemnity-namely, territory-was insisted on. The reason is thus stated: It is well known that the only indemnity which it is in the power of Mexico to make, in satisfaction of the just and long deferred claims of our citizens against her, and the only means by which she can reimburse the United States for the expenses of the war, is a cession to the United States of a portion of her territory."

has had to say, and repeat, as he does in
this last Message, about " the wanton vio-
lation of the rights of person and property
of our citizens committed by Mexico; her
repeated acts of bad faith through a long
series of years, and her disregard of solemn
treaties, stipulating for indemnity to our
injured citizens;" all this, and much more
of the same sort, wrought up, in the face of
notorious facts, to the point of most absurd
exaggeration and bluster, has had refer-
ence, of course, to these claims, for which,
it stands confessed and recorded, whatever
may have been her conduct in regard to
them in times past, Mexico offered, in the
conferences under the walls of her belea-
guered capital, the most ample indemnity."
From that moment these claims ceased to
be matter which could be talked about,
with decency, as cause of war with that
power; from that moment, if war was to be
prosecuted further against her, for any
cause or any objects whatever, it was not
certainly on account of these claims. And
while the claims themselves could no longer
be set up as a reason for continuing the
war, it was equally impossible, with de-
cency, to talk any longer, as the President
does in this Message-perhaps from the
mere habit of a sort of parrot repetition
-about our magnanimous forbearance,
of years' duration, in regard to these
claims, manifested by our not having long
and long ago asserted our rights by force;
and how patiently we sought for redress
by amicable negotiation; and how we
were finally insulted in the person of
"our minister of peace," by the mortifying
rejection he endured. All this, we say, as
incident to the subject matter of these
claims, became obsolete, after the tender
of full indemnity made by the Mexican
Commissioners in September. And this
war, as re-commenced and prosecuted after
the breaking up of the conferences near
Chapultepec, must find its justification, if
any there be, in something else besides
these claims, or any conduct of Mexico in
relation to them.

But we observe that the President, in his Message, with that general disingenuousness and unvarying obliquity of purpose, which characterize nearly all the statements of the Message on the subject of the war, attempts to confound the understand ing of his readers, by affect to insist

Certainly no plain man, unacquainted with the particular facts, could read this paragraph without concluding that the demands of the President for indemnity, as imbodied in the provisions of this project of a treaty, embraced the expenses of the war; that, instead of being a demand of indemnity for three or five millions at most, the demand was for indemnity to the amount of a hundred millions at least

for the full cost of the war, up to that time, was not one dollar within that sum. The advantage, no doubt, which the President proposed to himself by this statement, was the creation of a prevalent popular impression, that, however the actual issue might turn out, and whatever criminality, in the public es.imation, had marked his conduct in precipitating the country into this war, he, for one, had endeavored to take care that it should cost the country nothing-except, indeed, some thousands of lives, which it would be difficult to make anybody pay for; that Mexico, besides being chastised into a compliance with whatever terms of peace we might see fit to prescribe to her, was to pay the money expenses of her own humiliation. And, besides this, it was convenient to the argument he was endeavoring to set up, swell the supposed indemnity which was to be exacted of Mexico, from three or five

to

millions to a hundred millions; because it was only in this way that he could put a plausible face on his bold assumption of the inability of Mexico to meet our claims in any way but by a cession of territory.

And now, after all this, what will be thought of the President of the United States, when the fact comes to be stated and proved, that by the terms of his own project of a treaty, not only was no claim set up for the expenses of the war, but any pretence of that sort was necessarily negatived and excluded? Nobody will be silly enough to pretend that under the stipulations of a treaty of peace, which makes not the slightest reference to the expenses of the war on either side, either party is to pay more than its own expenses. In the President's plan of a treaty, Mexico is not asked, nor is the remotest hint conveyed that she is expected, to pay us the costs of the war. Besides, any such idea is excluded by the stipulations actually inserted in the instrument. Mexico was indebted to our citizens in a certain amount-say four millions of dollars-and this plan proposes that if Mexico will cede to the United States certain lands, the government of the United States will undertake to satisfy the creditors of Mexico in this country for this indebtedness, in such manner that she shall be fully discharged from it. And, as it is understood that the lands proposed to be ceded are worth more than this four millions of dollars, it is proposed that the United States shall pay to Mexico the balance of this value, whatever it may be ascertained or agreed to be. Such was the President's own proposition for a settlement and treaty of peace with Mexico; and he does not get through the tortuous course of his Message without giving this very account and explanation of the matter.

"As the territory," he says, "to be acquired by the boundary proposed, might be estimated to be of greater value than a fair equivalent for our just demands, our Commissioner was authorized to stipulate for the payment of such additional pecuniary consideration as was deemed reasonable."

Not a word here about the expenses of the war. No intimation here that the balance of value to be paid in money to Mexico was only so much as would remain af

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ter deducting four millions for the demands due our citizens, and a hundred millions more for the cost of the war. The President knows as well as we do, that the expenses of this war, end when and how it may, are to be borne by the people of the United States; and he did not entertain the remotest idea, when this project of a treaty was prepared, that Mexico was to be made to pay, or asked to pay these expenses, or any part of them. He knew then, and he knows now, that Mexico will never make a treaty with the United States on any such basis.

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In our account of what the President proposed as the basis of a treaty with Mexico, we have had reference to what the Washington Union some time since published as the authentic copy of the draught of a treaty carried out by Mr. Trist." It would seem that Mr. Trist went a step further, in the project presented by him to the Mexican Commissioners. He inserted, in the fifth article, a reference to the stipulation contained in article eight, in regard to a right of way across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, as forming a part of the general consideration for the undertakings proposed on the part of the United States; and then, by way of addition to the stipulations for paying the claims of our own citizens, and the payment of a clear sum of money to Mexico, he inserted this express renunciation: "The United States abandon forever all claims against the United Mexican States, on account of the expenses of the war." After all this, it is difficult to understand how the President could have the courage to talk about the expenses of the war in the manner he has done in the Message. At any rate, we trust an enlightened public will understand the true state of the case.

Thus far, then, we have seen that two principal subjects or matters of difference between the United States and Mexico at the commencement of the war, were actually removed, so far as the most ample concessions on the part of Mexico could remove them, at the conferences near Chapultepec in September last. Mexico yielded her pretensions to the State of Texas, and all complaints she had to make on ac

We have not had in hand the official papers as sent in to Congress with the Message.

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