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quackery, and tyranny, of whatever kind ; | but because it is in human nature to err. in less than an age, the Union would be It is, therefore, always necessary for a settled upon eternal foundations, and the free people to watch their rulers, and men of this age be remembered as the check the career of their ambition. We, second founders of the Republic. the private citizens, must make the man

Men do not respect that which is a in place respect and fear our free vote, growth of accident or fortune, and could and our free opinion. On perpetual vigithey bring themselves to regard the insti- lance, and not on a curiously adjusted systutions of their fathers as the fruit merely tem of checks and balances, must we rely of happy concurrences, they would despise for the vindication of our rights. their very liberty, and wish to defy for- But first, before attempting to check or tune, and let her do her will. Regarding limit any power, it is necessary to know, the Union as transitory and fortuitous, to feel, its exact weight and importance. we are less grieved with the thought of | It is idle to argue against it, or pretend corruption in the general state : we become not to see it-to smile at, or disrespect it; accustomed to contemplate its decay, and we must estimate it, measure it, take its are less indignant when it is proposed full dimension, compare it with others and to reduce it to an association for gain. with itself, and finally, consider its growth, That despair, too, which sometimes affects permanency, and tenacity of life. A dry good men of a feeble temper, may well study of the Constitution, or of historical spring out of this opinion, that we lie commentaries, will not give a true idea, at the mercy of chance. To know the much less a true feeling, of the central obstacle is half to conquer it ; to know the power. It springs from each one of us, danger is almost to escape it, with a spirit as from millions of living roots. We conof that temper of which freemen are cede to it, in the economy of the whole, a made. Let it, therefore, be fairly seen power original and forever established ; it and defined : different men will see it dif- is the most efficient and unobstructed Exferently and with different degrees of ecutive Power in the world, and able, by apprehension ; but he cannot be esteemed keeping a vast number of persons in the worthless, or unserviceable, who gives his hope, or in the fearful and conditional ensole attention to that shape of the public joyment, of office, to exercise a direct perdanger which affects him most, and which sonal power over one half the people. threatens the most immediate peril.

When supported by a strong minority The Senator has distinctly indicated the in Congress, it can initiate any law it present danger of the Republic—“the pleases, and suppress any which it thinks increasing power of the Executive,” its may be injurious to itself. It is not afraid assumption of an authority and an influence of impeachment, for it will always control beyond the spirit, if not beyond the letter a strong minority in the Senate and the of the Constitution, its aggression upon the House. It is not disposed to encroach liberties of the States and of the nation. openly upon the Constitution, but has It is discovered at last, that in our own, as always advocates and excuses to defend in the English Constitution, the only effec- itself against the direct charge. It is intual control over an Executive backed stinctively ingenious with the people, and by a powerful minority, is by the refusal takes care never to seem to injure the of supplies, or by the affixing of condi- landed interests. It never touches, or tions to appropriations.

seems to touch, the liberty of the individIt is necessary to thelife of all great pow- ual, or of the State, of which the northern ers, that they should tend to burst their and southern Democracy are so exclusively bonds, and seem continually to threaten jealous; but it reaches over the heads of tyranny: the power of wrong must be coin both, and eludes both. Its immense pomcident in them with the power of sight; and er rests unmoved upon the tumultuous sea few men there are—there is no man, of a of opposing interests and passions; the spirit fit to be the chief servant of the small waves (if we may so speak) of local nation, who will not sometimes encroach | tumults cannot overturn it. *Thé broader - qn liberty; not because he does not love the base the more securely it stands; and

or that he means to be tyrannical, | should its power ever be extended over

both continents, and over the islands, it It cannot ratify treaties without the would almost inevitably perpetuate itself consent of two-thirds of the Senators preand rise to an imperial height.

sent. The first symptom of the rise of an Its patronage may be diminished by imperial power is in the ambition of con- Congress, who have power to vest the apquest. The ambition of the people is pointment of inferior officers in the courts roused, a secret influence everywhere urges of law, or the heads of departments. them. It emanates from the Central Pow- It is liable to impeachment; and the er, and the body of intriguers which sustain power to be taken away by the decision of and use it. The head wishes to feel itself the Senate. the head, and out of an ambitious wan- It is founded on an oath, by which it tonness, puts the body in motion. The swears to become the defender of the Conevil passions of the multitude respond to stitution. the ambition of the central faction, and These defences are such as would be the whole force of the government is pre- erected against a power naturally inclined cipitated upon enterprises of war. This to become absolute. it does without impairing the liberties of The conflict in future is not to be that the States, or of the citizens; but these old traditional one of State Rights. What powers forget, that as the head is exalted do those vast crowds of foreigners, and the body is diminished and debased. migratory persons that people the new

Government is in its very nature aggres- lands of the West, know or care about the sive and usurping ; tending toward unlim- old jealousies of State Rights? They are ited power and unlimited territory. The under the protection of the Central Govchecks which hem it in and restrain it, re- ernment, and their first desire and respect quire to be kept up with a lively jealousy. is toward the nation ; the State with them Weaken or impoverish your aristocracy, is secondary ; their sons may understand it, and your king becomes a despot; yield the but they never will. Every foreigner who powers of the House and of the Senate in sets foot upon this continent, increases the the least particulars, and your President importance of the Central Government, has moved so far toward supreme authority. and diminishes the jealousies of the States.

The limitation of the Presidential term We repeat, that it is our firm belief, that to four years is no security against the the danger with us lies not in the fear of a steady increase of the power, in the hands revolt of individual States-our Union of a succession of intriguers, usurpers, having at length become, or fast becoming, and well-managed weaklings. The party a nation—but in a want of perception and now effectually in power have maintained foresight, to guard against the excessive a succession of Presidents, who have each influence of the Executive itself. added a little to the power of the office. Under such convictions, what are we to This party, the original opposers of the think of the party now in power ? That Constitution, always insisting upon State their policy and doctrines will defend us rights and democratic liberty, has elected against evils approaching from that quara series of Presidents who have made every ter ? rise of the Central Power, and showed the They know that it is necessary for a nagreatest readiness to abuse and extend it. tion to be engaged in great enterprises, but Democracy, meanwhile, wisely jealous for they prefer the enterprises of war, and its individual rights, but near-sighted, has turn the forces of government upon foreign not observed, and perhaps cannot perceive objects. how the stature of the Executive swells They cry out against a paper currency, and grows.

against credit, and indirect taxation; while The Will of the Nation, permanently they are issuing millions of Treasury Notes, expressed in the Constitution, while it es- secured only by the credit of the nation, tablished this power, established also cer- and dare not propose a tax adequate to zin checks upon it, even within its proper the payment of the mere interest of the imits. The Executive cannot declare war, public debt. vor march an army upon a neighbor's ter- They oppose the creation of a Bank for itory, without permission from Congress. I the economical management of the public


funds, while they are creating a bank of can draw after it every individual citizen the worst character, founded on the issue as by a line of fate. The millions of of depreciated paper.

lines meet in the hand of the Central They contend for the Sovereignty of the Power. Along them moves taxation, the People, (which no man denies, while they call to arms ; influence, fine but sure, are engaged in destroying the sovereignty moves along them. The people reciproof a neighboring people, and would force cate influence with their head; but while a sister Republic to cede, not only her each one of them knows him alone and his territory, but her citizens, as political will, he knows them all, and by a superior slaves.

wisdom can rule one by the knowledge They talk of progress, and the advance he has of another—by many he can rule of liberty and enlightenment, nay, even of one, and this in a thousand ways. By Christianity; which progress, enlighten the artifices of the politician, the whole ment, and liberty, nay, which Christianity, nation is moved through these lines. It they are eager to force upon their neigh- is the duty of the people to watch, each bors at the point of the bayonet.

man his own, and reciprocate, meeting the We are no advocates for political con- worse by a better will. sistency in the abstract; as though it were Government is in its very nature aggresnot sometimes the part of a wise man to sive and usurping. So well persuaded are change his course, and in view of impend- all men of this, it has become a maxim ing ruin to his country, oppose a policy with politicians, that every great authority advocated by a party once his own, but in the State should be left open to impeachceasing to be his when they depart from ment, and where impeachment is not alprinciples upon which he has taken his lowed, the government is either despotic, stand ; but when it appears that every act or it is nominal—the real power, as in the of a party in power is at variance with English Constitution, being in other hands. some principle which themselves claim, But it is hardly possible to conceive of an we not to regard their inconsistency as a Executive Power more crescent and cumuproof that they employ their principles as lative in its character than our own; fora veil to their purposes ?

to say nothing of its being only apparentLet us never listen, then, for an in- ly subject to impeachment-a vote of twostant, to their protestations, but watch thirds of the Senate being required for their measures. The measures of the conviction of treason, which would scarceparty now in power, are the measures of ly be obtained against a President supportunjust men: they are employing the Exe- ed by a strong party; and unless so supcutive power of the Union, in a way to give ported, he would not venture upon violait an unnatural and despotical authority; tions of the Constitution—a succession of they mean to give it all the vigor necessary enterprising usurpers, such as have gorto carry out their designs; they care not erned this country since the election of for the Constitution, nor for the principles General Jackson, have it in their power to of private and public liberty of which it is create the popularity, and the popular the sole existing charter.

opinion, upon which they rest. Can we refuse to listen to the warning- Nay, it is not yet certain, whether a “Who talks of liberty now?” Aye! who? | power completely efficient for the demor. It is time then to begin to talk about liberty. alization of the nation might not be created State Rights have had their defenders. within the limits of the Constitution itself. The States know very well how to de- Government is not a machine ; after all fend their own rights. They know the the barriers that political science can devise limits of their own sovereignties, and will have been erected about a moral power. defend them. But who will defend the disposed to be arbitrary and usurping, it rights and sovereignties of the people ? will still, within these formal limits, con

Every member of this Republic is con- tinue to be arbitrary and usurping ; it will nected by a slender thread with the Cen- still continue to be necessary THAT REALLY tral Power. This thread passes through GREAT AND TRIED MEN SHOULD BE ELECTED and above the system of the State, scarcely The usurpation of the war power. "ouching it. By this the Central Power | granted by the Constitution to Congress alone, is at all times easy for an Exe- | guide—he has not the power of guiding cutive supported by a war-making party. the nation, in the path of justice and honor; It would be as easy for the present govern- he is unconscious of these principles-he ment to involve this country in a war with regards them as fragile moral formularies, Great Britain as with Mexico; the means for the better management of fools and of exciting such a war are fully within the children. A formalist in his religion, it is power of the Executive.

very like he delights in long prayers ; a “None but a people advanced to a very formalist in behavior, it is very like he is a high state of intellectual improvement are man of smooth and polished address. capable, in a civilized state," says Mr. Cal. Or if his game be of a ruder sort, he is houn, “of maintaining a free government; ready for the fierce extremes-roughness, and amongst those who have had the good cruelty, and profanity of conduct. Yet, fortune, very few indeed have had the good under all disguises, the demagogue is one fortune of forming a Constitution capable and the same; a liar in his heart, a deof endurance. It is a remarkable fact in ceiver of the people, an adroit manager

of the history of man, that scarcely ever have men in place, a giver of gifts, a maker of free popular institutions been formed that promises, a busy, smooth, eloquent, cauhave endured."

tious, well-trained, place-seeking, wealthThey have lapsed first into a democratic loving, power-grasping, ape of virtue. anarchy, and then into despotism. Their By one mark we are to know himdestroyers begin with engaging the people namely : in unjust wars, by which that tender and That he earnestly professes one thing, virtuous regard for liberty is sapped and and assiduously practices another. destroyed : having become tyrants, they He professes to economize for the peoare now ready to become slaves, and need ple, and loads them with expenses. only a master. The despot is always He professes free trade, and advocates ready, under the cloak of the demagogue. an indiscriminate Tariff. He is the man who confines himself theo- He professes to be jealous of liberty, retically within the limits of the Constitu- and goes on to swell the power of the tion, until he has succeeded in destroying its Executive. ground-work

in the hearts of the people 1 He professes a great tenderness of until he has succeeded in intoxicating them national honor, and plunges the nation with the consciousness of freedom, and in into wars of mere robbery. leading them on to the commission of na- In a word, he is consistent in his contional crimes, under the names of patriot- duct with none of the principles he proism, glory, and enterprise. He is no con- fesses; and he professes those which he scious destroyer, but only a godless skep- thinks will sound best in most ears. tic, smooth and fluent in speech, active in Under favor, therefore, it seems that talent, and simply cold-blooded and dis- Mr. Calhoun has not indicated the true honest when he dares be so. His tools causes of the decline of liberal institutions are, perhaps, men superior to himself in when he says that they are established, dignity of character, and in obstinacy of and must fall, by good or evil fortune. It purpose, whose narrow understandings he would seem rather that not fortune but knows well how to darken with sophistries influence, is the cause of the rise and and flatteries. In his own opinion the decline of free institutions. Given a peodemagogue is not a bad man; he means ple wise enough to know a demagogue only to use the natural and customary from a statesman, there were no danger means toward influence and wealth. The to be apprehended, that their institutions Union to him is a kind of firm, a combina- would ever fall into anarchy. The causes tion of great powers for the purposes of of the rise of free institutions are to be defence, enrichment and aggrandizement; sought in the character, and not in the in enriching and aggrandizing himself at fortune of the people. The Athenians, a the expense of this corporation he seems tribe of forty thousand luxurious democrats, to commit no sin. The Supernal Powers governing half a million of slaves, gradhave denied him the knowledge of the true ually wrested power from the hands of the glory of humanity; he does not care to few, and as gradually lost it when their manners became corrupt. The Romans, , sluggish, or knavish, the machine of governa clan of ambitious gentlemen, ruling ment will always work badly; it is a moral, with difficulty a rude but valiant popu- not a mechanical power; its springs are lace, regarded their state as an engine of in the hearts and minds of those who conquest, and themselves the predestined move it; their integrity or dishonesty, governors of the world. They gradually makes the nation fortunate or unfortunate; dwindled, and were dissolved and lost in their wisdom and moderation saves it; the multitude of their subjects, and the their honor keeps it pure and respectable. power they had organized passed into the Let us, therefore, the people, in selecting hands of men of other nations, trained our CANDIDATE, ask ourselves, with Jefin the Roman discipline.

ferson, is he capable, is he honest ? Is he The Greek and Roman republics cher- a man of grand ability, of tried honesty, of ished in their laws none of those sacred unquestionable courage; open of heart and principles which can alone give duration to hand; of a great reputation ; able to rule, republics. They never dreamed of educa- faithful to his trust? Above all, does he ting the people—of securing every man scorn intrigues and private, schemes? If his perfect liberty-of the freedom of he is all this, and no man more so, then is political opinion, freedom of religion, inter- he our CANDIDATE ; and if we, the citizens, national equity.

who profess Whig principles, will unite In a word, the safety of the Com- upon him, laying aside all small fears and monwealth is in the election of such men trifling doubts, who doubts our ability to as represent its principles in their char-elect him? acters: if these are weak, false, narrow,


Now Melancholy with pale Sorrow sits,
Still listening to the burden of her woe :
Now Murder, blind with fear, uncouthly hits
At Sleep, and wounds himself instead of foe:
Now steals the expectant lover to his fair,
And finds her breathing in a rival's arms :
Now silly boaster, who the Dark would dare,
Turns a blank idiot, through her spectral charms :
Now gasps the sick man on the bed of death,
And marks his emblem in the lamp's blue flame;
While near him nods the nurse with catching breath,
As though her sense by snatches went and came :-
But swift and silent spins the beauteous world,
From night to morn all things are quickly hurled.

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