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on, neeu uui oe uwcii upon in una muuv. hey have opposed the whole policy of the dministration, from the annexation of the ar down to the present time. The Whigs

lecause vith it. d,they I them; rational instinct cs and second, >n that ned by . They t "suclat this rtion to •mies in erit" in y supejustice, he safereading ir wars, irays on it favors ie other, ind the ruption, xv i>I.i ..•..., . AV.AMW.&WW »~ i». on tne side of order and equity; it favors the strong constitution, and deserts the uncertain and the corrupt." The Americans

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(senate Of The UNITED STATES, JAN. 4, 1848.)

The Whig Party hold at present a bet.T position than they have ever held; and )r the following reasons :— They occupy, as a party, a ground perstly defensible by the usual arguments F morality, such as are common to all itions and ages:

They argue, also, from the Constitution telf, and from the Declaration of Equality id Liberty:

They are in the van of progress, while e opposite party are falling back upon e barbarous and exploded notions of tiquity:

They defend our own rights and libers, in defending those of a neighbor: They endeavor to legislate for the future well as for the present, and foresee dan's which threaten the existence of our e institutions:

They have predicted successfully the sequences of the policy pursued by the Dosite party; their predictions being 3 fairly recorded.

The first of these enumerated advanta

of the Whig Party, in its present posi

i. need not be dwelt upon in this article.

<iry have opposed the whole policy of the

dministration, from the annexation of the

ar down to the present time. The Whigs

opposed the annexation of Texas because of the difficulties it was to bring with it. When those difficulties were realized, they opposed the policy which aggravated them; and always upon moral ana constitutional grounds. First, on the common instinct and prejudice against inhumanities and wrongs of every description; and second, because it is their settled conviction that free institutions cannot be maintained by any but a just and equitable policy. They believe, with certain politicians, that "success is the test of merit," and that this nation will have success in proportion to its deserts. The success of our armies in Mexico has proved that our "merit" in military and other matters is greatly superior to that of the Mexicans; but justice, and not military prowess only, is the safeguard of the nation. Posterity, reading on the one page the history of our wars, will exclaim, "Providence is always on the side of courage and discipline ; it favors the strongest battalion:" and on the other, reading of the decline of liberty and the increase of private and public corruption, it will add, "Providence is also on the side of order and equity; it favors the strong constitution, and deserts the uncertain and the corrupt." The Americans are a warlike people, and know how to join action with obedience. Where the aim and purpose of a discipline is clear to every man, they organize themselves and pursue the common purpose with the greatest energy: be their aim political or military, organization is their forte, and success follows them. But, on the other hand, separate the American from his laws, his religion, and his Constitution, and who more harsh and inexorable; his native energy, converted into a destroying power, directed against humanity, makes him the most irresistible of pirates and the most unscrupulous of oppressors. He is the only man that dares, in defiance of all the world, proclaim doctrines peculiarly harsh and aggressive, and with his native insolence mock Heaven itself, claim evil for his good, and instinct for his god. Constitutions of the most severe and conservative character are therefore necessary to the American, not only in military but in civil and religious matters; his freedom is conditional, and requires heavy barriers and severe laws; as the force of the impetuous tide that moves in his veins, so must be the laws that restrain it: conscious of this, he is a lover of law, an organizer, and takes a pride in obeying laws of his own enactment.

Fearful of nothing but the excess of his own passions, ho is a respecter of sincere opinion, and the consent of great minds; he listens to antiquity, and venerates the voice of age and of wisdom. His favorite characters are those Statesmen, who have risen by the force of a real, God-given energy, to be the repositories, or the sources, of true opinion. He never inquires about their birth, or their office, but only of their ability and native grandeur of character; he does not worship them, he only respects them for what they can do and say: and they, on their part, when they speak, address, not the passions nor the ignorance, but the courage, the knowledge, and reason of their hearers. When they rise to speak, they consider in their minds that they are addressing free citizens, who know and can judge their sentiments, however heroic, and never appeal to the meanness, the conceit or the avarice of a rabble which they despise.

Nor, in another particular, are we, the

American people, inferior to any naaa that has ever existed, in referring the pra ciples of our laws and social rights 1*< their validity back to the common c>c science and common reason of humamti to that law which the Creator has plan'.c in the hearts of all men. It is in this on. inal law that we have based our free insL tutions. We refer back for the grourK of the Constitution—or rather for thte rights about which it is erected as convenient barrier—to the sovereignty Reason, or as we are accustomed to nan it, the sovereignty of the People. We, ti whole people, minority and majority, sa tain the government. It protects us al legislates for us all, and represents us s. Our only differences are on questions opinion, as to what men shall be eho~c and what measures be pursued—who a best represent the whole, and what are i! best modes of benefitting the whoi Hence, under the Constitution, and expa ed by it, parties arise, sustaining oppoi men and measures,—each party esteem: its own measures the best for the good both: the choice is thrown, by our fund mental laws, upon the vote of a majori

Such at least is the ideal system of a government; but the organization of ti system, from various causes, some inl rent in our common nature, and some ac dental and temporary, is imperfect, this very moment, a party in power hi formed within themselves another piti which is rapidly corrupting the whole 1* in which it formed: this inner party, ho opposed, not to certain measures of it opposites, but to the spirit of the fun mental laws, their men and measure; alike inimical to the fundamental law, p by the Declaration of Rights and the <? stitution of the Union, under which parties arc supposed to exist.

The intentions and principles of party within a party—of this rotten < —are sufficiently well known, and k been sufficiently explained by the jouB of the Whig Party. That party, ss have already said, occupies a superior p tion, as the defender not only of the C stitution, but of the principles of po'g liberty, and of all law and organiia whatsoever.

If ever the consent of great minds si l| be permitted to sway us in a uue^tio

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