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to see all men free. I wish the national prosperity of the already free, which I feel sure the extinction of slavery would bring. I wish tu see in progress of disappearing that only thing which could bring this nation to civil war. I attempt no argument. Argument upon the question is already exhausted by the abler, better informed and more immediately interested sons of Maryland lierself. I only add, that I shall be gratified exceedingly if the good people of the State shall by their votes ratify the new Constitution. Yours truly,


After the result of the election was known, the President made the following speech at a serenade given to him by the loyal Marylanders, in honor of the adoption of the Constitution :

FRIEND3 AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I am notified that this is il compliment paid me by the loyal Marylanders resident in this District. I iufer that the adoption of the new Constitution for the State furnishes the occasion, and that in your view the extirpation of slavery constitutes the chief merit of the new Constitution. Most hearlily do I congratulate you, and Maryland, and the nation, and the world, upon this event. I regret that it did not occur two years sooner, which, I am sure, would have saved the nation more money than would have met all the private loss incident to the measure; but it has come at last, and I sincerely hope its friends may fully realize all their anticipations of good from it, and that its opponents may by its effects be agreeably and profitably clis:ippointed.

A word upon another sulijert. Something said by the Secretary of State in his recent speech at Auburn, has been construed by some into a threat, that if I shall be beaten at the elertion, I will, between then and the end of my constitutional term, do what I may be able to ruin the Government.

Others regard the fact that the Chicago Convention adjourned, not sine die, but to ineet again, if called to do so by a particular individual, as the intimation of a purpose that if their nominee shall be elected he will at once seize control of the Government. I hope the good people will permit themselves to suffer no uneasiness on either point. I am strug. gling to maintain the Government, not to overthrow it. I am struggling especially to prevent others from overthrowing it. I therefore say that if I live, I shall remain President until the 4th of next March, and that whoever shall be constitutionally clected, in Noveniber, shall be duly installed as President on the 4th of Marchi, and in the interval I shall do my ntmost that whoever is to hold the helm for the next voyage shall start with the best possible chance of saving the ship. This is due to the people, both on principle and under the Constitution. their will, constitutionally expressed, is the ultimate law for all. If they

should deliberately resolve to have immediate peace, even at the loss of their country and their liberties, I know not the power or the right to resist them. It is their own business, and they must do as they please with their own. I believe, however, they are still resolved to preserve their country and their liberties; and in this, in office or out of it, I am resolved to stand by them. I mily add, that in this purpose to save the country and its liberties, no classes of people seem so nearly unanimous as the soldiers in the field and the sailors afloat. Do they not have the hardest of it? Who should quail while they do not? God bless the sol. diers and scannen, with all their brave coinmanders.


The latter part of this speech was called forth by a "urrent misrepresentation of a speech made by Secretary Suward at Auburn, on the 5th of September. The Secretary had alluded to the declaration of the Chicago Convention in favor of an immediate cessation of hostilities, and the inevitable tendency of the success of the ticket nominated upon that platform to paralyze the efforts of the Government to put down the rebellion by force of arms; and he asked, if such a thing should happen, “who could vouch for the safety of the country against the rebels, during the interval which must elapse before the new Administration can constitutionally come into power?”' This was distorted into a threat that if the Democratic candidate should be elected, the Administration would take means to retain by usurpation the power which should of right be handed over to him. And the charge was repeated so persistently, that the President at length felt called upon to notice it as he did.

The result of the October elections had practically determined the result in November. But, as the time drew near, the atmosphere seemed full of turbulent and threatening elements. Loud and angry charges of fraud in the October elections were made by the Opposition, but were not sustained ; and they were succeeded by yet louder charges from the other side of an attempted fraud in the soldiers' votes of the State of New York, which were followed up by proof. Some of the Democratic agents wore convicted of these attempted frauds, and, after trial and conviction by a military commission, they were sentenced to a heavy imprisonment.

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The rebels used all means in their power to aid the party from whose success they anticipated so murh advantage. .Hood's movement, it was hoped, would have a political influence upon the election ; and. Early's advance was spoken of in Southern journals as a means of assisting the counting of the ballots in Pennsylvania. Along the Northern border, too, the rebel agents, sent thither on “ detached service" by the Rebel Government, were active, in movements intended to terrify and harass the people. On the 19th of October, a party of them made a raid into St. Albans, Vermont, robbing the banks there, and making their escape across the lines into Canada with their plunder, having killed one of the citizens in their attack. Pursuit was made, and several of the marauders were arrested in Canada. Proceedings were commenced to procure their extradition, which were not, however, brought to a close before the election. The Government received information that this affair was but one of a projected series, and that similar attempts would be made all along the frontier. More than this, there. were threats, followed by actual attempts, to set fire to the principal Northern cities, and there were not wanting some signs of an inclination to renew the scenes of the riots of the year before.

A very grave sensation was produced by the publication of a report of Judge Advocate-General Holt, giving conclusive proof of the existence of an organized secret association at the North, controlled by prominent men in the Democratic party, whose objects were the overthrow, by revolution, of the Administration, in the interest of the rebellion. Some of the leaders were arrested and tried. The Democratic presses had sneered at the whole affair as one which was got up by the Government for political effect. But when one of their leaders, being on parole as he was being tried, ran away rather than meet the result, people began to be sensible of the danger they had escaped.

So rife were threats of a revolution at the North, and especially in New York City, if Mr. Lincoln were re.

elected, that the Government sent a body of veterans from the Army of the James, under General Butler, to that city for purposes of precaution. But, fortunately, in New York, as everywhere else, so quiet an election was never known, nor was there ever one more utterly free from complaints of fraud. Certainly, none so decisive was ever held in this country. Of all the States which voted on that day, General McClellan carried but three-New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentuckywhile Mr. Lincoln received the votes of all the New England States, of New York and Pennsylvania, of all the Western States, of West Virginia, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas, and of the new State of Nevada, which was, on the 31st of October, admitted into the Union by the following proclamation :

Il'here118, The Congress of the United States passed an act, which was approved on the 21st day of March last, entitled, “An Act to enable the People of Nevada to form a Constitution and State Government," and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States; and

Ilhereas, The said Constitution and State Government have been formed pursuant to the condition prescribed by the fifth section of the act of Congress aforesaid, and the certificate required by the said act, and also a copy of the Constitution and ordinances have beeu submitted to the President of the United States :

Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in accordance with the duty imposed upon me by the act of Congress aforesaid, do hereby declare and proclaim that the said State of Nevada is admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this thirty-first day of Octo

ber, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and (L. 8.] sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. (Signed)

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By the President:

Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State.




The vote at that election was very large everywhere, and Mr. Lincoln received a popular majority of over four

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hundred thousand votesma larger majority than was ever received by any other President.

The feeling which was uppermost in the President's heart at the result of the election was joy over its effects upon the cause. He expressed this sentiment in some remarks which he made, when serenaded by a club of Pennsylvanians, at a late hour on the night of the election. His speech was as follows:

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-OITIZENS:--Even before I had been informed by you that this compliment was paid to me by loyal citizens of Pennsylvania, friendly to me, I had inferred that you were that portion of my countrymen who think that the best interests of the nation are to be subserved by the support of the present Administration. I do not pretend to say that you who think so embrace all the patriotism and loyalty of the country. But I do believe, and I trust without personal interest, that the welfare of the country does require that such support and indorsement be given. I earnestly believe that the consequence of this day's work, if it be as you assure me, and as now seeins probable, will be to the lasting advantage, if not to the very salvation of the country. I cannot at this lour say what has been the result of the election; but whatever it may have been, I have no desire to modify this opinion, that all who have labored tv-dav in behalf of the Union organization have wrought for the best interests of their country and the world, not only for the present, but for all future ages. I am thanktul to God for this approval of the people. But, while deeply grateful for this mark of their confidence in ine, if I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph. I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any one, but I give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of the people's resolution to stand by free government and the rights of humanity.

The telegraph brought certain news of the result within a few hours. On the night of November 10th, the various Lincoln and Johnson Clubs of the District went to the White House to serenade the President, to whom he spoke as follows:

It has long been a grave question whether any Government, not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its existence in great emnergencies. On this point the present rebellion brought our Government to a severe test, and a Presidential election oceurring in a regular course during the rebellion, added not a little to the train,

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