concealed.

The whole tone of the Convention had been in opposition to the popular feeling on the war. The ultra peace men had been prominent in its deliberations. Vallandigham, Harris, Long, Pendleton, men who had done their utmost to help on the rebellion and hamper the Government, had been its ruling spirits. The tone of its speeches had been in entire sympathy with the rebels, for whom no words of reproof were uttered, while they were unmeasured in their denunciation of Mr. Lincoln and his Administration. The news of the fall of Fort Morgan had come in upon them as they sat in conclave, but it won no cheers from that assembly for the success of the Old Flag and the leaf of imperishable renown which added to the full wreath of laurel, which already crowned our army and our navy. Its resolutions had declared that the war was a failure, and called for an immediate cessation of hostilities; while, as a striking commentary upon this declaration, the very day after the Convention adjourned brought the news of the fall of Atlanta and the glorious success of that grand march of Sherman's army which turned the tide of war, and contributed so largely to its final success.

The Union party instantly and joyfully accepted the issue thus boldly tendered. They knew that, once fairly before the country, the result could not be doubtful. The people did not believe that the effort to maintain the Union by force of arms had yet proved "a failure." They did not believe that the Union could be preserved by negotiation, and they were not in favor of a cessation of hostilities until victory should be secured. The issue had been fairly made between the two parties in their respective declarations at Baltimore and Chicago. The former demanded a vigorous prosecution of the war, and denounced all terms of peace short of an unconditional surrender of the rebels; the latter demanded a suspension of hostilities and a resort to negotiation.

The great body of the Democratic party throughout the country, sympathizing with the national sentiment, felt

that they had been placed in a false position by the action of their convention. An effort was made to stem the

rising tide of public condemnation by General McClellan, their candidate for the Presidency, in his letter of acceptance. He declared himself in favor of preserving the Union by a vigorous prosecution of the war, if all the resources of statesmanship," which should be first employed, should prove inadequate. The letter, however, was without effect. It did something to alienate the peace men who had controlled the Chicago Convention, but nothing to disturb the conviction of the people that the same men would control General McClellan also in the event of his election.

The political campaign was thus fairly opened. The Fremont movement, which had but little strength from the start, now came to an inglorious end. Shortly before the meeting of the Chicago Convention, some friends of General Fremont, with some faint hope of compelling Mr. Lincoln to withdraw, had written to the General to know if he would withdraw from the canvass, provided Mr. Lincoln would do so. In reply, General Fremont, saying that he had no right to act independently of the men who nominated him, suggested that some understanding should be had between the supporters of the Baltimore and Cleveland Conventions, with a view to the convocation of a third convention; for, as he said, "a really popular convention, upon a broad and liberal basis, so that it could be regarded as a convocation in mass of the people, and not the work of politicians, would command public confidence.” The proposition, however, commanded not the slightest attention; and after the Democratic nomination was made, the lines were drawn so closely that the pressure of public sentiment compelled the absolute withdrawal of General Fremont, which took place on the 21st of September. From that time forward the contest was between Mr. Lincoln, representing the sentiments of the Baltimore Platform on the one hand, and General McClellan, representing the sentiments of the Chicago Platform on the other. The lines were clearly

drawn, and the canvass was prosecuted with earnestness, but with less than the usual acrimony and intemperate zeal. It was felt to be a contest of principle, and was carried on with a gravity and decorum befitting its im portance.

One of the incidents upon which great stress was laid by the Opposition in the canvass, arose out of some proceedings in Tennessee, of which Andrew Johnson still remained military governor, with reference to the calling of a convention and holding an election in the State. Several efforts had been made in that direction during the year. As early as January 26th, Governor Johnson had issued a proclamation, ordering an election for county officers, and in his proclamation had prescribed stringent qualifications for voters, and a stringent oath which every voter must take. Some of the judges of election thought, however, that it was enough to require of voters to take the oath of the President's amnesty proclamation. Accordingly, one of them wrote to Washington on the subject, as follows:

NASHVILLE, February 20, 1864.

Hon. W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.:

In county and State elections, must citizens of Tennessee take the oath prescribed by Governor Johnson, or will the President's oath of amnesty entitle them to vote? I have been appointed to hold the March election in Cheatham County, and wish to act understandingly.

WARREN JORDAN.

The President himself answered by telegraph as follows:

WARREN JORDAN, Nashville:

WASHINGTON, February 20, 1864.

In county elections you had better stand by Governor Johnson's plan; otherwise you will have conflict and confusion. I have seen his plan.

A. LINCOLN.

A

This election was held with but indifferent success. convention was also held in May at Knoxville, but took no important action. But, in September, another convention was called together for the purpose of reorgan

izing the State and taking part in the approaching Presidential election. The convention met, and determined that the election should be held. They adopted an electoral ticket, and provided for ascertaining the qualifications of voters. Among other things, they provided a stringent oath, to be administered to registers and officers holding the elections, and requested Governor Johnson to execute the resolutions which they had adopted "in such manner as he might think would best subserve the interests of the Government."

9

Governor Johnson accordingly, on the 30th of September, issued a proclamation, directing that the election be opened and held, and that at such election "all citizens and soldiers, being free white men, twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States, and for six months prior to the election citizens of the State of Tennessee, who have qualified themselves by registration, and who take the oath prescribed" by the convention, should be entitled to vote. The oath prescribed was as follows:

"I solemnly swear that I will henceforth support the Constitution of the United States, and defend it against the assaults of all enemies: that I am an active friend of the Government of the United States, and the enemy of the so-called Confederate States: that I ardently desire the suppression of the present rebellion against the Government of the United States: that I sincerely rejoice in the triumph of the armies and navies of the United States, and in the defeat and overthrow of the armies, navies, and of all armed combinations in the interest of the so-called Confederate States: that I will cordially oppose all armistices and negotiations for peace with rebels in arms, until the Constitution of the United States, and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof, shall be established over all the people of every State and Territory embraced within the National Union; and that I will heartily aid and assist the loyal people in whatever measures may be adopted for the attainment of these ends and further, that I take this oath freely and voluntarily, and without mental reservation. So help me God."

An electoral ticket in favor of General McClellan had previously been nominated by persons not in sympathy with the State Convention, nor with the National Administration, and these gentlemen, on the appearance of this proclamation, drew up a protest, which they addressed

to the President. They protested against Governor Johnson's assuming to dictate the qualifications of voters, which they said were prescribed by the laws of Tennessee, a copy of which they annexed; and they protested against the oath.

This protest was presented to the President by Mr. J. Lellyet, one of the signers, who sent to a New York newspaper the following account of the interview :

WASHINGTON, October 15.

I called upon the President to-day, and presented and read to him the subjoined protest. Having concluded, Mr. Lincoln responded:"May I inquire how long it took you and the New York politicians to concoct that paper?"

I replied, "It was concocted in Nashville, without communication with any but Tennesseans. We communicated with citizens of Tennessee outside of Nashville, but not with New York politicians."

"I will answer," said Mr. Lincoln, emphatically, "that I expect to let the friends of George B. McClellan manage their side of this contest in their own way, and I will manage iny side of it in my way."

'May we ask an answer in writing?" I suggested.

"Not now. Lay those papers down here. I will give no other answer now. I may or I may not write something about this hereafter. I understand this. I know you intend to make a point of this. But go ahead, you have my answer."

"Your answer then is that you expect to let General McClellan's friends manage their side of the contest in their own way, and you will manage your side of it in your way?"

"Yes."

I then thanked the President for his courtesy in giving us a hearing at all, and then took my leave.

*

JOHN LELLYET.

The President, a few days after, however, sent them the following answer in writing :

EXECUTIVE Mansion, WashinGTON, D. C., October 22, 1864. Messrs. WILLIAM B. CAMPBELL, THOMAS A. R. NELSON, JAMES T. P. CARTER, JOHN WILLIAMS, A. BLIZZARD, HENRY COOPER, BAILLIE PEYTON, JOHN LELLYET, EMERSON ETHERIDGE, and Joan D. PERBY

MAN:

Gentlemen :—On the 15th day of this month, as I remember, a printed paper manuscript, with a few manuscript interlineations, called a protest, with your names appended thereto, and accompanied by another printed paper, purporting to be a proclamation by Andrew Johnson, Military