report has been recommended, without going in quarter of the globe has in the American Union, to any extended argument, at first, in support of I speak but what I am bound to suppose every the propositions submitted to the body, reserving gentleman fully understands and appreciates, to the chairman the conclusion of the debate, and when he says he is in favor of the Union. I the presentation of those views at the close of speak the sentiments that I am bound to suppose the debate. Simply stating at full length the were the sentiments uttered before the people by propositions which have been submitted by the gentlemen who were candidates for election to committee: The first proposition which has this Convention. Therefore, I shall be but wast. been submitted is, that at this time there is ing time, when, as I see, there is no expression no adequate reason for Missouri to secede from antagonistic to the Union. I should be but wastthe Union—that there is no adequate reason for ing the time of the Convention if I should go her cutting the cords that bind her to her sister through an enumeration of the blessings which States, and that she entertains and will manifest we, as the people of Missouri, have derived from 4 disposition to compromise all difficulties that our connection with the common Government of now distract the country, and that she will em- our country. Sir, we are assembled here as the ploy all her power and influence to that end. In people of the State of Missouri. The position the beginning, Mr. President, I feel some embar- which we occupy, is a position in itself peculiar. rassment in speaking upon such a question as We have our common history-we have the histhis, and to a body chosen by the State of Mis- tory of our connection with this great Governsouri, such as is now assembled. To speak in ment of which we are a part; we have been the favor of the Union of its importance-of the ad- recipients of its beneficent action; we have grown vantages which we derive from it, and of the up under its protection, and we have received glory which has been connected with it, to those nothing but blessings from it. I was here before who have been elected because they are friends of it was born as a State—when it was weak and the Union, would seem to be entirely supererogato- feeble—when the Indians were on our Western 7. As far as my acquaintance with the gentlemen borders, and from whom our extreme frontier of this Convention extends, I know of no gentle settlements apprehended difficulties - and were men who avow or insinuate, or in any manner we left to ourselves ? were we left to protect our admit that they entertain any unfriendly feeling selves against the savages who might desire to to the Union. You may speak to any member imbrue their hands in the blood of the of the Convention you please in reference to his wives and children of Missourians ? No! position about the Union, and he will proclaim The United States, at her own cost-under a Na. that he is in favor of the Union. How, then, in the tional Government, for national purposes, and introduction of this question before this body, to carry out national obligations-maintained its shall I undertake to speak in favor of the Union, own military forts, garrisoned by its own troops when there is a unanimity, an entire unan- at its own expense, for our protection. Does imity, among all its members upon the very view our commerce meet with impediment or obstrucwhich I would endeavor to take and enforce. I tion in its national outlets to the ocean? then the should continually be under the necessity of re- United States expends its means in endeavoring peating to gentlemen the very arguments which to remove those obstructions. She does not I am bound to suppose they used before their leave to protect ourselves, but freely constituents, when they were candidates for elec- expends her money, that we may have all tion to this body. I am bound to suppose the facilities that we may require, in order that, as they avow themselves friends to that

may be more rapidly the Union, they entertain deliberate and advantageously developed. To come to purpose to do nothing that will in any de- our land system. Has she shown any niggardly gree endanger the continuance or the perma-spirit towards us, or any disinclination at all to nency of that Union or in any degree weaken the foster our highest interests. When the poor man attachment of the people to the Union which is settles his quarter section of land in any portion thus enshrined in their hearts. I am bound to of the country, and is unable to pay for it, even at suppose this, because I am bound to suppose that a mininiumn price, reduced as it is to a mere those who avow themselves in favor of the Union fraction of the actual value of the property, what are sincere-as sincere as I am-as honest in the does she do in reference to persons in that condiviews they entertain and express as I am in the tion? She lays her hand upon those who would views I entertain and express, and therefore the take this property for their own advancement or difficulty is continually presenting itself to me, speculation, and compels them to yield to the man how discuss a question in which the friends who has selected a portion of the public domain, in agree with entire unanimity. If I speak to gen- order that he may establish thereon a domicil tlemen of the Convention of the glories which and rear his children. When we wish to engage cluster around that flag-if I speak to them of in any enterprise to develop the commercial and the pride that every American citizen in every | agricultural interests of the country, and are

us

our

unable to raise the money requisite to carry out withdraw from the public mind all over the such an enterprise, she says, “Here is a large United States, and at the North particularly, that domain we own within your territories; use it excitement that has been hurrying us on to ruin. freely; we give millions in order to help you I am glad to believe that in the Border States build your railroads,” and so, gentlemen of this there is manifest a disposition sedulously to mainConvention, all the action that the United States tain the Union, in order that there may be ultiGovernment has taken in relation to Missouri, and mately and permanently effected an agreement the relations we sustain towards the United States, between the extremes, which shall result in the have been such as to benefit ourselves. Nothing restoration of harmony, and in the perpetuation of aggression on the part of the United States, of this glorious confederacy. composed as the United States is, of all the After having passed beyond the question of States-nothing of a disposition to hamper or whether there exists at this time any reason for crush out the energies of Missouri; nothing of a our severing our connection with the General disposition to leave us to ourselves to encounter Government, we come forward to make a declardifficulties that are liable to arise in every new ation of our desire for a friendly and amicable and growing State; but, on the other hand. adjustment of all difficulties between the sections every disposition to foster our interests as a State, who differ in their feelings and views of poliev.

Sir, I am bound to suppose that every member It is proper that Missouri shall avow this. It is of this Convention, as he avows himself in favor proper she shall entertain such views, and sha! of the Union, and as he has avowed himself be- do all in her power to encourage those who are fore his constituents in favor of the Union, divided in their sentiments in regard to the subwill do nothing to estrange the State from the ject of slavery, and some of whom have carrie: General Government. How then shall I speak their action to the extent of attempting to sever further, before a Convention that is unanimously their connection with the Government. That in favor of the Union, in commendation of this Missouri shall do all to restore harmony between fabric which our fathers have reared, and which the conflicting portions of our Union, and bring was bequeathed to us from those who were peer- all back to amicable relations and national proless in wisdom as in valor. In opening, therefore, perity, a scheme has been recommended by the before the Convention the view which the commit- Committee with a view to this object, and that is tee present in reference to the impolicy of taking the calling of a National Convention, in which any steps to sever our connection with the Gen- there shall be assembled the representatives of all eral Government, I shall not detain tne Conven- the States of the Union. You have recentls tion in thus opening with any lengthy enumera- heard read a proposition that would seem to be tion of the blessings which have flowed to us from adverse to the holding of such a Convention, be our connection with the General Government. I cause it was likely to be futile. You have heard shall not speak at length upon this subject, as a proposition that looks to the holding of a Bor there are others who can speak to the Convention der slave States Convention. The question has and move the hearts of those who are true lovers been before the Committee,

as you lears of their country and in favor of the government by the minority report which has just been under which we live. I shall expect to hear from read. It did not meet with the favor of the members of this Convention, and if it becomes Committee because it was regarded as in its necessary to vindicate the propriety of the re- unnecessary, and involved in the proposition of solution we have presented, to wit: That we a National Convention. The National Convenshall remain longer in the Union-I shall ex- tion which the Committee recommend, is an as pect to hear that vindication coming from more semblage of the representatives of all the States, eloquent lips and with greater power than I can free and slave--all that are in the Union. They employ before this body at this time.

come together for the purpose of proposing Mr. President, it is true that there is discord amendments to the Constitution, and in the pres now reigning in what was once, and very recent- ent case, inasmuch as amendments to the Conly, a happy family of States. It is true that there stitution are demanded by the Border States, they has arisen an alienation of feeling and it is true come to consult upon these amendments and agree that that alienation is fast ripening into on their adoption. The Border States are the active hostility. But it is because there has been States that will demand the amendments-the an entire misapprehension of the relations that whole are the States that pass upon the question the States bear to each other—the interests in and whether that demand shall be granted or not. 1 responsibility for each other's institutions; and I say, therefore, that in the present condition of am glad to believe that a returning sense of the things, when the assembling of a National Cun. true measure of responsibility that the inhabitants vention is for the purpose of agreeing to the of each State owe to the General Government, amendments that are demanded by the inhabi: and to the inhabitants of every other State—that ants of a particular section of the country, tha: a true sense of that responsibility is beginning to Convention necessarily involves what is equin

all

lent to a Border States Convention. Suppose harmonize and settle existing difficulties, and rethe members from

the States of

store peace and order to the community. the Union assemble in such general Con- You will notice that the measure chiefly recomvention for the purpose as before indicated, what mended in the minority report, is a Border States then will be the proposition? The proposition to Convention. You will also notice that in several the members from the Border States will be:

parts that report contains the emphatic declara"Agree among yourselves as to what you want tion of an attachment to the Union, and it would and we will pass upon it.” Is not that the natural

seem that the minority who presented it, chiefly result of a General Convention, called under the bases its claim to the consideration of the Concircumstances such as we are now placed in, and

vention on the ground that a Border States' Conhaving for its object the amending of the Consti- vention will be more likely to bring about a contation upon subjects upon which there is now ciliation and the concerted action of all pardivision and complaint? If such is the object ties, than the adoption of the majority report. of that Convention, the first proposition that must But I apprehend, gentlemen of the Connaturally arise in the mind of any man participat- vention, when you come to see the comparaing in it, would be: "You gentlemen who are tive operation of the two bodies; when you see from the Border States, agree upon any proposi- that the one has power to recommend and the tions that you wish to submit and then we will other to recommend and pass upon also; when take them into consideration, and if we deem them you see that a General Convention involves reasonable, we will agree upon them.” I say, the idea of a Border States Convention besides therefore, that this General Convention involves offering other advantages-when you see the the idea of a Border slave States Convention with

evils that may arise by an assembling of those this additional advantage: that there you have who are only on one side, and take only a oneassembled the body that is at last to pass npon sided aspect, and the good which must result any proposed amendment and must agree from the commingling of men from all parts of to recommend or reject them. There they are, the Union, amicably and fraternally disposed, as embled from all the States, having the power you will give the preference to the majority reunder the Constitution of the United States to port. pass upon the question whether these proposed The Committee have gone further, taking their amendments shall be agreed to or not. On the position as that of a pacificator, desirous of incontrary, the Border States' Convention is a body tervening between parties in hostile array against of men not known to law and the Constitution of each other. They have put forth their hands and the country, and it can do nothing but recom- said to each party; "Stay, be still until we can mend; it can do nothing but agree upon amend

have an opportunity of settling the difficulty ments, which they may afterwards lay before a between you!” The Convention, have General Convention, for ratification by the whole taken it for granted, will look upon the country. It has no power to adopt amendments; policy of the employment of forces, the it lias no power to act upon any person or law; it employment of arms of either one section has no power to do more than agree upon and re- or the whole government against a portion of the cummend the amendments that they may sup- government, as an ev nt greatly to be deplored, pose are needed by the Border States. Such be

greatly involving in confusion and difficulty the ing the case, we perceive that by calling a Border differences which now exist between the different States Convention we double the machinery with- sections of the country, and rendering almost imont deriving any new advantage. There is no possible the reconciliation of the different parties. power to render emphatic what the Border States It still is a question of policy, not a question of agree upon. Now, I ask, is it not more wise, more constitutional right, upon which the voice of statesmanlike, to agree upon calling together a each part of the United States ought to be body which, when it does meet, is recognized by heard and considered by each of the parties who the Constitution, and capable of acting under the now stand in hostile array to each other. Our inConstitution? Is it not wiser and better to call a terests as a State are bound up inseparably with body whose action, when it goes forth before the the maintenance of this Union; our sympathies, people of the United States, shall carry with it a our personal sympathies, in a large measure, are recommendation that no one can resist? Such is with the people of the South. Neither party the view that has been entertained by the Com- ought to suppose that we would intentionally inmittee in recommending a General Convention volve either of them in any compromise instead of a Border States Convention. We be- for arranging our a

difficulties that would lieve that we can better attain our end by con- touch its honor or materially injure its sulting the whole people of the United States in interests. They ought to know that the position a General Convention assembled, than by con- which we occupy is one in which we can recogBulting only one section, and that there is now a nize the existence of any real fraternal feeling in disposition manifest all through this country to every part of the country, and which enables us

we

to speak the language of conciliation. They ought or not, there will be a unanimous vote against to trust us, as those who desire nothing but what any such course. Such unanimity would indeed is for their good. We therefore speak to both be a great force and strength for all the purposes parties: “Shed not the blood of your brothers; indicated in the report. I deem that I have now come not into hostile collision; wake not up the discharged the duty of opening the debate, as furious passions that burn in the American heart chairman of the committee, and shall close, reat the sound of the trumpet of war! Wait, wait, serving to myself the privilege of again address. until all peaceful means are exhausted; wait un- ing the Convention, should it become necessary til you can assemble in cooler moments, and with in the course of the discussion. all the passions of our being lulled, so that we On motion of Mr. STEWART, the Convention can rationally consider, and honestly and justly adjourned until 3 o'clock P. M. do whatever may be necessary for the interest of

AFTERNOON SESSION. any one of the States.”

Gentlemen, there is not a more warlike Convention re-assembled at 3 o'clock. people on the face of God's earth than this Mr. Moss asked that his amendment to the maAmerican people. Every man is a soldier; even jority report be read. It was read by the Secrewhite hairs do not prevent a man from being a tary soldier. [Applause in the lobby, checked by the Mr. Moss. Gentlemen of the Convention: In President.] I say, therefore, that the strife be- offering this amendment to the majority report of tween the different sections of the American peo- the Committee on Federal Relations, I do not de ple is a strife such as the world never saw and sire to be understood as occupying a position never will see again, because they will annihilate hostile to that report. On the contrary, I coneach other. I say, it is a time when every man tend that the amendment which I offer is in enwho feels pulsating in his heart a love for the tire harmony with the doctrine laid down in the American brotherhood to which he belongs, Committee's resolutions. I duly appreciate the ought to do all in his power to stay the hand of importance of having this report go forth to the civil war, and it is with that impulse that people of Missouri, indorsed by an overwhelmthe Committee here have, in the language ing majority of the members of this Convenof entreaty, not the language of menace, tion; and my own opinion is, that the fewe. not ranging on one side or the other, but amendments we offer to it, the better, provide in the language of a body who would be ed we reach the points that are desired to be al mediators between conflicting parties, said: Shed

tered in the report. not each other's blood-let us interpose as medi- As I remarked in the outset, I do not consider ators, standing between you and recommending the amendment just offered as in conflict at all what is for your interest and your honor; let us with the main propositions contained in that recast all our influence in the scale of justice and port. My understanding of that report is, that right, and we shall at last see harmony and una- it places Missouri upon this position: that sho nimity in this country restored. It is a glorious believes her fate depends upon the peaceful admission, if we can accomplish such an object. justment of the present difficulties; and this is in

Gentlemen of the Convention, the proudest accordance with my own sentiments. 'Holding moment that ever any one of you shall look such sentiments, the resolution I have offered is back to in your future life, will be when you not at all in conflict with them. We say to the two participated in any act or in any

contending sections, we are standing between of action which was calculated to bring you. We believe that our fate depends upon the back a feeling of brotherhood among the

maintenance of the position we occupy. We different parts of this American Republic, stand like the rock in the ocean, rolling back and when you can still feel that you are united from us the waves that come from the to all its parts, in all its glory, in all its prosperity, North and the South. We say to our natural and in all its happiness; when, after new glories allies, our Southern brethren, you must not and honors have clustered around the American imperil our condition. Whilst we are struggling| flag, you will recollect that you have in any de- to get additional guarantees for the protection gree contributed to restore harmony among the of our rights, you are not to assail the General American people in the past. It will be a feeling Government, thereby precipitating us into rero that will soothe you, in all cases of disaster, that lution and ruining our cause. But whilst we will comfort and elevate you in all your walks of speak to them in the solemn tone of remon life.

strance, we likewise say to the General Govern Gentlemen, I consider that I have sufficiently ment, you shall not invade our Southern brethe explained the motives and objects of the commit- ren. If you do, you can look for no aid from tee in submitting the majority report. I appre- Missouri. hend that in relation to the question as to wheth- Gentlemen, it is urged by some of my friends er we should sever our connection with the Union even those who occupy the same position in ne

course

we

are

common

to

se

gard to this great question that I do—that it is it to be a mere introduction, setting forth the enunciating the doctrine of nullification; but you reasons which have actuated the committee in sbould remember that

in the submitting the resolutions, and not subject to midst of a revolution: that it is folly any vote by the Convention. I hold that to attempt to conceal that idea from the whatever may be our opinion in regard to the people, and worst of all, it is folly to attempt to preamble, it is the resolutions, and not the preconceal that idea from yourselves. And now, I amble that we are to act on. Tak this view, I sabmit it to every man in this assembly, of com- am indisposed to meddle with that preamble. It mon sense, to tell me whether Missouri will ever is a fine argument, and I agree with the sentifurnish a regiment to invade a Southern State for ments enunciated therein, as great truths. I have the purpose of coercion. Never! Never! And gen- some objections to the way in which they are tlemen, Missouri expects this Convention to say stated, and do not agree to some of the particu$0. When our friends in the Northern States- lars; but, taking it as a whole, I consider it a masterthose gallant patriots who, surrounded by our ly exposition of the present state of affairs, and chemies, and the enemies of our

history of the commencement and growth of the country-have dared to say that they will never troubles now upon us; I am disinclined to inter lend their aid to the General Government to fere with it in any way. coerce a Southern State-is Missouri to take a

Mr. GAMBLE. The gentlemen is right in say. position lower than that? Never! I believe it

ing that the preamble is not strictly before the to be the duty of Missouri to stand by the gal- Convention. It is to be looked upon merely as an lant men of Southern Illinois, who have passed introduction on the part of the Committee to the resolutions that they will never suffer a Northern

resolutions themselves. army to pass the southern boundary of Illinois

Mr. Moss. Then I am correct in my position, for the purpose of invading a Southern State. I believe it to be the duty of Missouri to come

and I regard the statement of the gentleman who

is Chairman of the Committee as a further evithe rescue of, and back up such men as the gal

dence that this amendment which I offered is not lant Stockton of New Jersey, who has had the daring courage to plant himself upon a like plat

only not in conflict with the report of the Comform. When I go home to my constitu

mittee, but in entire harmony with it. So much ents—when I go home meet the

upon that point.

While I am up, gentlemen of the Convention, cessionists, I want to go with a weapon in my band with which I can conquer, and lead the

although perhaps it may not be strictly in order, Union men on to triumph at the polls, when they

yet I will briefly give my views in regard to this come to indorse what this Convention has done.

whole question. I do not know but what it is in

order for me to do so. The majority report is But, gentlemen, if you send me there einptybanded—if you send me there with a document

now before the Convention, and I may be inlike that which has been given to us by President

dulged in making my remarks, taking a wider Lincoln, about which there are forty different

range than is strictly included in my amendment. opinions, and leave it for an argument—a learned

I will state that I have another amendment, and ingenious argument—to settle its meaning, I

which I shall offer at the proper time. But I tell you that our defeat will be certain, when we

will undertake to discuss it now, believing it to

be in order. come to submit our doings to the people of Missouri.

The Chair. The gentleman will not discuss a Bat, gentlemen, it is not from motives of this resolution which has not been read by the Secsort, entirely, that I have introduced this amend- retary. ment; but because I conscientiously believe Mr. Moss. Well, I will not say anything about that it is demanded. It does not pledge this amendment at present, but confine myself to Missouri to go out of the Union-not at all. the majority report. I agree with the position I would never dream of such a resolution as that. taken in that report—the position taken by my I do not believe it to be the will of Missouri; but worthy friend who is before me, as the Chairman I believe that if the Union is to be preserved, it of the Committee. I believe, gentlemen, that the cannot be preserved by the sword, but by a peace- hopes of the people of Missouri-yea, of the able adjustment and fair and equitable compro- Union, of the Border States as well as of the mises. And occupying that position, I say it is Northern States—I say, I believe that their only the duty of this Convention to plant Missouri be- hope of salvation now is with the people; and the tween these two warring sections, and say to sooner we go to them the better. And for that each, you cannot look to us for aid.

reason I am opposed to all preliminary proceed. That is may position, gentlemen, in regard to ings by bodies of men whose work, when it is that point. Now, so far as the preamble is con- finished, amounts to nothing. I tell you the peocerned, which is attached to the resolutions which ple have got tired of such things. They are sick, have been presented to this Convention, I suppose and they want a physician who can heal them.