designiog politicians to look into the future and in effect, wbile our sentiments and our feelings, imagine evils and excite the apprehensions of the and in my opinion our interests, called us, when people, because such and such a thing may or the last hope of reconciliation shall perish, to may not happen. Has not that been the curse unito our destiny with our Southern brethren, onder which we have been laboring? Is not that yet the grand, permanent object was the preserwhat we have been contending against? Has vation of this glorious Union. not that brought us to this verge of ruin? And Was not that the position that you and I took Dow, do not my friends consider–for I want before our respective constituencies? Was not to call them my friends and my breth- that the position which you and I occupied before ren-the effect of this? They tell us they the people, when we told them that we were not Fant to take this question outside of party for presenting any ultimatum, or any thing that politics. Yes, sir, take it from the arena of Na- squinted towards an ultimatum? But when the tional politics; and where do they want to put it? proper occasion should arrive, when we should Right at our own doors. Right at our own doors meet face to face with men from the North, repreto excite our own people. Have the supporters senting the Northern people, then we would preof this amendment weighed the consequences of sent an ultimatum, if necessary, if we could not this? My friend from Marion says that the refu- get our rights so guaranteed as to take the quessal to pass this amendment would make secession- tion forever out of the hands of politicians. If ists by thousands. He says that it is not his de- then we can not have peace and harmony, we sire that such should be the case, but it will can provide for a peaceable separation. That, sir, have that effect. Yet a fire-brand is introduced is a sufficient reason why I shall vote against this and advocated which is acknowledged to have amendment, and all such amendments; and I an effect which is at the same time deprecated. have no fear of the result. Such a course does Does he not see that the introduction of this not sacrifice my honor, but I can preserve the amendment has for its only object, the continu- peace and harmony of my own people by it. ed agitation of the slavery question? Does Mr. SHEELEY. I desire to say a few words. he not see that instead of pacifying the When I consented to become a candidate for this public mind he will throw & fire-brand Convention, I stated I would take the Crittenden among the people to be taken up by petty poli-Compromise as the basis of settlement, though I ticians and designing men for the purpose of ex- preferred the propositions of Mr. Douglas, and citing our people to war among themselves ? | prefer them here to-day. But I was willing to Why should we express such sentiment take them as a basis, and would co-operate with as this, when we know that our constituents the border States, in using every honorable are faithful to the Union, faithful to the Con- means for an adjustment on that basis so long as stitution, and have integrity as men and citi- there was a reasonable hope to save this Union. zens and will act with honor to the State when The question was propounded to me, suppose the exigency of the times calls upon them to act? that everything fails, what will you then do? I I would respectfully submit to the Convention, as said the destiny of Missouri was South, and she to whether the adoption of this amendment does was bound to go there. Now, sir, this is is not, not say to our border sister States, we will not as I understand it, an ultimatum at all. It merenow secedo, but if you do so, we will follow. Is ly declares that when all these things take place, this right? Nay, I say is it a mark of bravery? | when the State finds that the Union is dissolved, Unity of action on this subject with the Border and all the States go out, that then-our destiny Slave States will alone produce harmony among is with the South. That is the way I look at it; our own citizens. You might as well introduce and so, too, I pledged myself to the people of my a resolution in this body that the people of Mis-District. I must either vote aye or violate that souri are all honest men, and then tell us if we pledge, and I think you know me too well to vote it down that it will make dishonest men by think that I ever violate a pledge. I will vote the thousand.

aye on this amendment. Mr. President, such a resolution as this is an Mr. SMITH, of Linn. I ask the indulgence of insult to my constituents, because it puts into the the Convention for a few moments, while I state hands of politicians and men who have not a my reasons for voting against this amendment. particle of interest in the slave question, the It has been attempted to cast imputations upon power to excite an agitation among our people men who vote against this amendment, viz:which will destroy our institutions.

that by their votes they will declare to the Mr. President, I think it is far preferable that Northern and Southern people, that we in. we should present these and similar propositions tend to keep Missouri in the Union with through our delegates in a Convention of the the Northern people under any and all circum. Statos. We can there get our ultimatums by the stances. The position which I took before my concurrrent act of all of them. That is the best constituents, was about this: I declared myself plan, and that is what my constituents told me to be a Union man; that in my judgment no suf

ficient cause existed that would justify Missouri able them to determine the rcasons that prompt for seceding from the Federal Government, and me for every vote I shall give here, I shall detain I pledged myself not to vote for an ordinance of the Convention no longer, but vote no. secession at this time. I further pledged myself Mr. Welch. My vote upon this amendment to use every exertion in my power to bring about is governed entirely by its phraseology. The conciliation, and a fair and amicable adjustment sentiment which I presume the gentleman from of the difficuties existing between the extremes Montgomery desired to incorporate in it, is one of this Government. I do not believe, sir, that I which would meet my approbation, if put in a can, consistently with that pledge, vote for the different shape and expressed by different amendment. I believe it would operate as a fire- phraseology. I differ with the gentleman in brand among the people, and will have a tenden- the construction of this amendment, and I cy to diminish, if not destroy, the influence of must be governed by my own judgment Missouri.

in regard to the matter. The original resoI object to the amendment for another reason: lution, if I understand it, sir, pledges this I do not believe that Missouri can determine for Convention, and the people of the Siate, to be twelve months, or perhaps two years, whether satisfied with the Crittenden compromise. The she ought to go anywhere, and I am unwilling amendment, in my judgment, declares that, anto say what the people of Missouri will do two less the North will yield us that particular propoor three years hence. I am unwilling to act upon sition, and unless the Border States shall stay in anything, sir, except the present. I am unwilling the Union, Missouri will go out also. to pledge Missouri to any course in the future. I Now, sir, while I heartily approve of the Crittenbelieve the people of Missouri will be just as den propositions, I also indorse fully as well the competent twelve months hence, or five years propositions known as the Douglas propositions, hence, to determine their interest and their and I am willing to take the Border States produty, as they are to-day. And, sir, for this rea- positions, and would be satisfied with the proposon I feel it my duty to vote against the amend- sitions of the Peace Congress. In the words of ment,

Mr. Botts, of Virginia, if the North and the South I regretted to hear certain remarks from the will only agree upon some basis of settlement, I gentleman from Marion, Mr. Redd, while giving will agree and never ask what it is. I am willing, the reasons for his vote. I regretted to hear I say, that either of these propositions shall be him complain of the active outside pressure that adopted, so far as I am concerned, and while I has been working upon him since he has indorse the motive and the purpose which the been in this Convention. As for myself, I have gentleman from Montgomery had in offering met with no such pressure. I have not felt any the amendment, I cannot support it when pressure from the Republicans-from Abolition- it is connected with the original resolaists or Secessionists. Why it is that they have tion. I say to him now, that, if he will intropressed or disturbed the gentleman from M&- duce a separate resolution, disconnected with rion I do not know. The reason why I was that original one which makes the Crittenden not disturbed is, I suppose, that people regard compromise the basis of settlement, and declarme as a man of some intelligence and de- ing that when all compromise shall fail, and all termination-a man who would carry out the the Border States shall leave this Confederacy, promise that he made to his constituents. This Missouri will go too, I will vote for a proposition is the reason, I suppose, that I have not felt this of that kind very cheerfully. But, sir, I cannot outside pressare of which the gentleman com- vote for this amendment, because by its phraseolplains. I regretted to hear another remark--he ogy it makes the settlement of our difficulties de threatened us with that big rattlesnake. Now, sir, pendent on the adoption of the Crittenden comproI can inform the gentleman from Marion that rat- mise. I am willing to take any compromise which tlesnakes have but little terror to Missourians, es- will be satisfactory to Border States or the South. pecially up in the Northwest. When I first settled in The Committee on Federal Relations have sub that portion of the State, rattlesnakes were a great mitted a proposition calling for a Border States' deal thicker than Secessionists are now, and we Convention. That is the proper tribunal to eshave killed them all out, nearly. (Laughter.] tablish an ultimatum. I construe this amendment Secessionists, too, are getting to be about as scarce as an ultimatum, and as pledging Missouri to as the rattlesnakes. But I tell that gentleman abandon the Union if the Crittenden proposithat in my judgment, the snake of which he tions are not adopted, together with the addispeaks, has come out a little too soon in the season, tional fact that the remaining Border States shall for this latitude, and the frost and ice will over- leave. I shall therefore vote no. take him, and he will be killed. (Laughter.] Mr. Calhoun. By the special permission of

Mr. President, as I have no desire to place my- this body, although I have already voted, I will self on the record, and feeling perfectly satisfied in a very few words state the reasons which that the intelligence of my constituents will en- prompted me in giving that vote. I voted aye

as

on the amendment because I did not look upon for this Convention? Did we say to the people, it as an ultimatum. So far as I could understand or in any way imply by what we said, that in from its wordings the Crittenden Compromise or case a certain compromise should be refused, some other similar proposition was recom- Missouri ought to secede? Why, sir, I stated mended by it a basis of adjustment, distinctly, and my colleagues know that and as I am in favor of the Crittenden I did, that if the Crittenden proposition, or Compromise, and the people whom I have the Border States proposition, or the Douglas the honor to represent on this floor, are in proposition, or the proposition of the Peace Confavor of that compromise, I felt quite warranted ference failed as a compromise, that we would in voting for it. I will state that if this amend- yet not secede. But, sir, we are pledged to sement is to be regarded in the light of an ultima- cession here-if there is any meaning in the Engtum, I disapprove of it, and in that case I should lish language-provided this one solitary propoask the favor of this body to change my vote. I sition is voted down. I will admit that the furam for the Crittenden Compromise or any other ther proposition is attached to it, that in case the compromise which will prove satisfactory to the other border States shall secede, we will secede slaveholding States. I would not stake the weal also. Now sir, so far as I am concerned, I disof Missouri on the adoption of that particular tinctly took the ground that if every Southern compromise.

State in the Union should secede, Missouri As for the other feature in the amendment, name- then would have a proud mission to perly, that in case all the slave States should go out of form, and that would be to assemble tothe Union, and there should be a Northern and a gether delegates from every State in this Southern confederacy, Missouri will go with the Union once more in Independence Hall, where South, I must say that I agree to it. If that ca- the Federal Constitution was made, and that lamity must come, (and God grant that it never we would enter into the confederacy with. will come!) I am in favor of Missouri casting her such States, North and South, as would meet us destiny with the South. But I fervently hope we there, and once more cement the bonds of this.

be effect a peaceable settlement, and Union.

that this Union will continue. I believe it is in 1 desire now to ask the gentleman who offered,

our power to bring about such a settlement, and I the amendment if he believes in the constitushall never think of leaving this Union so long

tional right of a State to secede? I pause for a as there is any hope for it. Sir, I would have reply. been willing to vote for the report, just as it came

Mr. Bast. The gentleman entirely misapprefrom the committee, for it is a report breathing

hends the scope of my amendment. It has noththe true Union sentiment. But, supposing that

ing to do with the constitutional right of secesthere was nothing in the amendment which con

cession at all. It simply states that, in case we flicted with the spirit of that report, I voted aye. should be unable to effect a satisfactory adjustI shall ask leave to change my vote, if it is to be ment of existing difficulties, and all the slave looked upon as an ultimatum.

States should go out of the Union, Missouri will Mr. HENDERSON. I was not in when the roll go with them. I should like to see the Missourian was being called. I desire to record my vote who, in case the alternative is presented of a upon this proposition, and especially do I desire Northern or a Southern Confederacy, will not bo to do it, inasmuch as there will be most assuredly in favor of Missouri casting her destiny with the a difference between myself and my colleagues | South. in regard to it. Since I have heard the remarks Mr. HENDERSON. The gentleman does not of my friend, Judge Calhoun, I am satisfied that answer my question. I ask him again if he behe has been laboring under an error in regard to lieves in the constitutional right of a State to sethe amendment. I was laboring under an error cede? myself until I went and got the amendment, and Mr. Bast. I have already stated that that in order that I may be corrected, and that other question is not involved in my amendment at all; gentlemen who seem to labor under the same mis- when it comes up in its proper connection, I will apprehension as myself, may see the true mean- willingly state my position in regard to it. ing of the amendment, I propose to read both the Mr. HENDERSON. As the gentleman does not resolution and the amendment.

choose to answer this question directly, I will put [Here Mr. Henderson read the resolution and to him another. Did he vote for the first resolution amendment.};

of the Committee on Federal Relations, adopted by Now, I call the especial attention of my col- the Convention ? leagues to the monstrous proposition contained Mr. Bast. No. in this amendment. If we adopt it, it evidently Mr. Henderson. Then, Mr. President, the commits us in a way which may prove extremely gentleman having voted against the first resolupernicious to the interests of Missouri. What tion, he negatives the proposition that no was the position which we took in the canvass sufficient cause now exists for Missouri to dis

ment.

ors,

solve her connection with the Federal Govern- the Southern heart. I remember that a good

If that be true, the gentleman sees cause many years ago, at Hartford, an ultimatum to-day for dissolving this Union. He does not was presented by the gentlemen who as. desire to wait, and, sir, this ultimatum (for it is sembled there in Convention. They offered an ultimatun) proposed in his amendment only amendments to the Federal Constitution, and they looks forward at the early period when the people declared the right of a State to secede. They furof this proud State shall be driven headlong into thermore declared that if their rights were not serevolution. Sir, with my views, believing that cured according to their proposed amendments, no State has the constitutional right peaceably to they would dissolve their connection with the secede from the Federal Government-(I am not Federal Government and erect New England into disposed to deny the revolutionary right)-I do an independent confederacy. What has become not see that that right could be conferred upon of those traitors and conspirators? Where now us, provided even that the Old Dominion should

are they, Mr. President? Sir, the finger of scom secede. I do not see that, with a proper loyalty was pointed at them, and they have gone down to the Federal Constitution, we could secede mere- the stream of time, an object of contempt and ly because Maryland, or Tennessee, or Kentucky, hatred by an honest people. So, also, at a subseor any other State, had seceded. Sir, there is a bet

quent period in our history, another similar atter remedy proposed than that, namely, by amend- tempt was made, and it was visited with the ing our Constitution, as it now exists. Let those same scorn by an indignant people. And now, amendments be offered, and, sir, the patriotic sir, upon this occasion, whatever may be the lip people of the United States will not deny justice service of men, if their actions are tending to to any portion of our country. If the laws are the disruption of this Union, I hope and trust defective let them be amended. And, sir, the that the same scorn may overtake them as traitpast history of the country affords us the greatest assurance for the future that such laws will over Sir, the other day a secession flag was hung be provided as accord justice and equality to every out in one of the streets of this city. On the opportion of the country. I know why such pro- posite side of the street was an American flag, positions as this are offered for a remedy. They with the names of Lincoln and Hamlin inscribed enable designing men to appeal to the prejudice upon it. Does it follow that, because I despise that of the people. They afford them an opportunity secession flag, I should owe allegiance to the to tell the people that this or that man, who has Republican party, who had hung out the other voted against them, is a Freesoiler or an Aboli- flag? Or does it follow that, because I do not tionist; and they are calculated to give full play approve the election of Lincoln and Hamlin to in the State to petty demagogues and design- the supreme offices of the Government, I must ing politicians. Sir, contemptible pettifoggers needs become a secessionist? Surely not. So and miserable politicians seem now to have long as those two flags were suspended in the seized the reins of government, and all men street, although a great many people crowded who look to peaceable reforms—all men who around the houses from which they were sts. look to a restoration of that tranquillity and hap- pended, and the excitement among them ran piness that have blessed us for so many years, high, still I had no part in the controversy. But and without which we should be powerless, are when I saw the American stars and stripes hoist. being denounced as Republicans and Northern ed without any names upon it, I heard a shout partisans.

rise from the assembled multitude which made my Mr. President, I, for one, defy all their efforts, heart proud. I felt, sir, that a device that might and all their wiles, and all their schemes and in

be put upon the flag of my country, and the sinuations. I have made up my mind that this piratical flag of disunion, were both to be thrown is the best government upon earth, and that he aside, and in their stead was to be the flag of my who would attempt to tear down the columns country. that sustain it, or mar its fair proportions in any Sir, a paper has been established in this city way, is a traitor, and nothing else. When I say that is to be a part and parcel of the disunion this, I wish it understood that when my rights scheme. Conceived in iniquity, brought forth in as an American citizen are denied me, and op- fraud, having been the result of a combination so pression becomes the rule of conduct by the Gov- mean and contemptible that it deserves the execraernment, I claim the right of revolution. But I tion of honest men, it yet comes forward upon the do not claim that any man is justifiable, under world, and undertakes to denounce men for beany of the grievances of the present day, in tear- ing patriots. It may be that in the future, it will ing down the fair proportions of this magnificent find good men enough on whom to vent its spleen, republic. Every means are being resorted to, in its malice and vituperation; yet, I can say these days of wild misrule and error, as the gen- that, notwithstanding the corruptions that sur tleman from St. Louis, the other day, rightly re- round its birth-notwithstanding the malice marked, to present propositions appealing to and vituperative energy

and rep

may
be
conducted,

still the Union humble instruments, in God's hand, of saving sentiments of Missouri will prevail, and this nation from ruin." secession, in less than six months from today, And now I will read from the resolutions. The will not be claimed by any man who desires to eighth resolution is as follows: have a respectable position among her citizens. “That holding views we are not prepared to I vote no on this amendment.

abandon the Union, with all its blessings, while Mr. ZIMMERMAN gave a brief explanation of

any hope of adjustment remains. Until then we his vote. He was a Union-loving man,

will maintain our place in the Union, and resented a Union-loving constituency. He want

contend for and demand our equal and constitued all means for an amicable adjustment to be

tional rights, and will not be content with less." exbansted, and felt sanguine that, with the pro

Now, Mr. President, I am opposed to saying to verbial patriotism of the American people, such

the General Government, “You shall do this, or an adjustment could be effected satisfactorily to

you shall do that.” I am opposed to Missouri all parties. He was heartily in favor of the ma-saying to the border States, “If you will do this jority report, and approved of its conciliatory

or that, we will do so too.” There is a point spirit. He had voted aye on the amendment be

where forbearance ceases to be a virtue; but canse he held that it was not in conflict with the

let Missouri reserve to herself the right to say spirit of the report. He could not concur in the

when and where that point is. I wish to opinion of some gentlemen, that the amendment say, while I am up, Mr. President, that the was an ultimatum. If he had thought so he people whom I in part represent here, feel would not have voted for it.

that they are citizens of these United States, Mr. CALHOUN desired permission to change

that they are loyal to the Government in which bis vote from aye to no.

they live, and wish this Government to be perMr. RITCHEY. Mr. President, as I have occu

petuated, and all the difficulties to be adjusted.

We know that we have received many blessings pied but little of the time of this Convention since

from this Government; and we have hopes and we organized, I desire at this time to give some

believe these difficulties can all be settled through reasons for the vote that I am now about to give.

and by a National Convention. And while I say Sir, on the 18th of last month, at the ballot box

this, I wish to say further, that we are not subthroughout the district which I in part repre- missionists. No sir, we are far from it, and we seat here, at least three-fifths of the voters in that

expect our rights in amendments to the Constitudistrict, instructed me to vote against this amend

tion. Then I feel fully authorized by the position ment. The reason why I say that I was instruct

I teok before my constituents, to vote against this ed to vote against it is this: I hold in my hand a

amendment and support all the resolutions recircular containing a speech delivered by me at a

ported by the Committee on Federal Relations, mass meeting, held at our county seat just two

or at least the first, second, third, fourth, and weeks before the election, in which speech I gave

fifth. The sixth and seventh I have some obmy views and the policy that I was in favor of;

jections to, though they only have reference to and at the same meeting a series of resolutions

adjourning and electing a Committee whose duty were adopted, which I indorsed and had printed it will be to call the convention together at such in this circular. Having sent these circulars to all

time and place as they may think fit. With these parts of the district, and having besides visited

remarks, sir, I vote no. the counties in my district, my constituents

The vote thereupon stood as follows: knew my policy. And I will ask the indulgence

AYES-Bartlett, Bast, Brown, Cayce, Cheof this House till I can read a paragraph from

nault, Collier, Comingo, Crawford, Frayser, this speech. In speaking of the duties of this

Hatcher, Hill, Hough, Howell, Hudgins, Matson, Convention, I stated as follows:

Noell, Redd, Sawyer, Sheeley, Waller, Watkins, " Then what are the duties of our State Con

Zimmerman, and Mr. President. vention? They will be many; too numerous to Noes-Allen, Bass, Birch, Bogy, Breckinridge, name here. But one is, to cling to the Union, so Broadhead, Bridge, Bush, Calhoun, Doniphan, long as there is a ray of hope that we will get Donnell, Douglass, Drake, Dunn, Eitzen, Flood, our Constitutional rights under the Federal Foster, Gamble, Gantt, Givens, Gorin, Gravelly, Government-to do what they can to bring Hall of Buchanan, Hall of Randolph, Henderson,

National Convention and a Hendricks, Hitchcock, Holmes, Holt, How, Irconciliation between the different sections. win, Isbell, Jackson, Jamison, Johnson, Kidd, Let Missouri, with the other border States, both Leeper, Linton, Long, Marmaduke, Marvin, slave and free, stand as a mediator between Maupin, McClurg, McCormack, McDowell, Methe offended and the offending States, and if we, Ferran, Meyer, Morrow, Moss, Norton, Orr, as a double row of States, reaching from the At- Phillips, Pomeroy, Rankin, Ray, Ritchey, Rowlantic to the Pacific, will stand firm to our post, land, Sayre, Scott, Shackelford of Howard, and tire not in our exertions, we may yet be the Shackelford of St. Louis, Smith of Linn, Smith

about a

re