admirer of Mr. Yancey, of Alabama, and, like stitution and bow down to Northern aggression, that gentleman, a thorough and undisguised se- are mistaken in regard to a noble and generous cessionist. He told me that your Convention was people. I tell you, let the slaves go, if go they too conservative, and that, in case you passed no must; let the real estate be sacrificed, but secession ordinance, there would be a concert of let our honor as freemen be sustained in action agreed upon throughout the State, where- the State. Let us show that we will not subby the State would, nevertheless, be got out of mit. I can realize the feelings of a Repubthe Union. He further said, that there were at lican, when he desires Missouri to stay with that time delegates, or committees, in the city the Northern Confederacy. He desires slavery from nearly all the principal towns in the State, abolished, and if the State should hold on to the and that he understood there was to be a meeting Northern Confederacy it would be abolished in a of them for the purpose of agreeing upon few years. The man that believes that the slave à definite course and concert of action. States have the right to hold slaves, that is willHe mentioned especially the name of a distin- ing to accept Northern aggression after fourteen guished citizen of this State, who has encouraged stars have been driven from the Star Spangled the movement, but whose name, for the reason Banner, and who wants Missouri to bow with her already stated, I decline to give at present. Two institutions down to kiss the rod that afflicts hor, days after this, I met the same gentleman, and I tell you that the politician who makes the conversation was renewed. He then said that sale of the State in this Conven" that he believed the plan above stated had been tion, will have to meet justice at the abandoned, as it would be useless to attempt to hands of an insulted and outraged people. They carry it out at present, against what seemed to never will submit to it. It would ruin them to do be the strong Union sentiment that had taken it. They are not willing thus to give up their hold of the public mind.

property. Many of them would lose all they In this statement I have given but the substance had. Moreover they are not willing thus of the conversation alluded to, and do not pre- to give them up when the alternative is preteed to have stated the words, but the substan- sented of uniting with the Southern Confederacy, tial facts. Very Respectfully,

if one is to be made. I say, if I know the feelWM. J. CHESTER. ings of the people of Missouri, and of that porMr. HALL, of Buchanan. Is it the object to tion of the country in which I live, they will break into the proceedings with that report? If stake their destiny with the South. They say, 60, I object.

we desire to separate from you in peaceas Mr. Birch. I only desire, Mr. President, to American citizens we love you, and especially move that the report be laid upon the table and that portion whose hearts beat in unison with printed, so as not to occupy any time of the ours. But we desire a separation in peace. But Convention. I merely desire to get it before the when the President of the United States comConvention.

mands Missouri, under the higher law, to shed The report was ordered to be printed.

the blood of our brothers in the South, then I Mr. HUDGINS. Gentlemen of the Convention, say Missouri should throw herself upon her rewhen the interruption occurred, I was affirming served rights, and, taking the halter in one hand ttat, in my judgment, if there were two republics and the sword in the other, tell the President that formed, it was the duty of Missouri to go into when you take the one you can use the other, and the Southern Republic. I desire to make only a not before. I have no submission blood in mo. faitement or two upon this subject and close my If I had I would let it out remarks. I cannot for one moment think that veins. I am willing to compromise. I am Missouri intends, or that this Convention will willing to receive the Crittenden amendment, and ar that it is the duty of Missouri to submit. to declare that all north of 36 deg. 30 min. shall When I look back over our State, I find that there be all free, and all south shall be all slave. Then ate nearly one hundred million dollars of slave the Kansas raids and emigrant aid societies would property in it. I say, our citizens that have never be heard of, and this vexed question would been here plowing, and felling timber, and mak- not enter into our politics. I am willing to get ing their farms—that have emigrated from other rid of the question in that way, but I am not will. States that have settled here to live and die upon ing to leave it to be disposed of by the next genMissouri soil, and have buried their dead in it- eration. But if you want compromise, you canthat have built our roads, our school houses, not obtain it, except by insisting upon it. Can var mills, churches, and Court Houses all we expect to obtain it, looking at the past, if we through the State, expect to enjoy these privi- | say to the North that whether you give us the beges, and leave them for their children. guarantees or not, whether you are willing The politicians in the State of Missouri, who to adopt the Crittenden amendment or any presume for one moment that Missouri will amendment whatever, we are unconditional Union facrifice her honor; that she will give up its con- men in Missouri.

Tell me how many million of States of that kind North and the South. I am for taking, as I said in this Union would reach the Northern pulse ? before, the Southern side of this question, if the We are told that they are signing petitions and President of the United States shall attempt that they are changing. Tell me what has chang. force and shall attempt a war upon the Southern ed them, and what has affected the North? what States, and if he calls upon Missouri for men to has destroyed or changed them in their senti- go into that war, I am not willing that our citiments? It is because of the withdrawal of these zens should hazard treason, or that they shall be seven States and the prospect of the withdrawal drafted. I am not willing that they shall be of others, and of the ruin of their commerce and marched into any State in such a war, but in the prosperity of the country, that is now threat- that contingency I shall be in favor of this conening them. Missouri will make no threat; let vention assembling and placing themselves upon her stand by the South; but let her call upon the their reserved rights, and say to the President, as North and say in language not to be misunder- we say in this resolution, that we will not aid stood, that these guarantees must be granted or you. we connect ourselves with the Southern States;

Mr. Foster. I desire to make a few remarks and when we have given you reasonable time

upon the question under consideration. when we have appealed to the great heart of the whole people, if then they shall say no compro

Mr. Welch. As it is now 12 o'clock, I move mise shall be made, then we will stand with the

an adjournment of the Convention. Southern States. Gentlemen of the Convention,

Motion sustained. if the State of Missouri occupies this position, then she will have opinions that will be respected at the North and in the South. Then, when com

AFTERNOON SESSION promise has been offered by the South, Missouri

Convention re-assembled at 2 o'clock. can say to both North and South, you are brethren, we stand between you and ruin. And if the

Mr. Foster. Mr. President, I hope it may not border States cannot restore this friendly feeling,

be considered an assumption on my part to leave then no earthly power can do it.

my seat and address this Convention from a place I am in favor of this amendment to the resolution.

near the Chair-being one of the lesser lights in

this body, and unable, in an oratorical point of It says we will not furnish men and money. We have been told, I believe, by the gentleman from

view, to cope with many of the gentlemen who Randolph, that if the Administration called for

have preceded me, and many who will speak af men, we would be setting at defiance the Consti

ter me. I come up here, sir, merely that I may

be the better understood by the Convention, and tution. I have shown you that the sending of an army to the Southern States could only be done

because, by standing here, I can speak with under the higher law, and not under the Constitu

greater ease to myself than if I was in my seat. tion of the United States. I have shown you that In investigating the matters which are now we have the right to speak in the language of this submitted for consideration by this body, I shall resolution, and it is the duty of Missouri not to try to be fair and candid. Although I may not aid, and not to furnish men, and not to go into be able to say anything that will be edifying to this conflict.

the members of this Convention, yet, as a repreGentlemen of the Convention, I have occupied sentative of a portion of the people of Missouri, I more time than I expected. I have been longer believe it to be my duty to declare the sentiments before you than I should have been, but I have which the people of my district hold in regard to submitted candidly, and with a due regard and the resolutions under consideration. I have respect for every member of this Convention, and risen, sir, not for the purpose of making a bun. every individual that is here to-day, what I have combe speech, or a speech for political purasserted in regard to the position of Missouri. It is poses. I never held a political office in my the ground upon which my people sent me here. life, nor do I know that I ever sha) I came to say in this Convention that Missouri hold one. The motives which actuate me in desires to exert every means that is fair and hon- speaking on this occasion, are of a higher characorable to unite the North and the South as breth- ter than those underlying the delivery of politial ren in one common country and destiny. I speeches or war speeches or anything of the want every effort made that the State can make kind. They are those of patriotism-they art in honor to itself, to accomplish this result. If love for my country and a willingness and deter the fourteen States are to unite with the oth- mination to represent my constituents truly (9 er slave States and go with the South, all this floor. I believe it is usual in debates of this hope of reconciliation is gone and then kind that gentlemen holding different views alt my wish is, at that time, when the Union will nate in occupying the floor. And here let 18 have been dissolved, that Missouri will not remark, that while it may be expected that I have to secede, but take her choice between the fer with the gentleman who has preceded me to

many of the points advanced by him, still it is Mr. Foster. A voice behind me says no. 20t my purpose to follow him through all his ar- Well, gentlemen of the Convention, all I have to numents. I shall take occasion to allude to some say in regard to that is, that this voice and the of them as I proceed with my remarks. It must Constitution of my country are at variance. I ccrtainly be regarded as a highly enviable posi- have no argument to make to any individual or tion for me, acknowledging myself, as I do, to be assembly of individuals to convince them that the one of the humblest members of this Convention, broad declaration of the Constitution of my counand one of its lesser lights-I say it must be re- try is such as it is. I have stated it correctly, and garded as an enviable position for me to be able I will abide by it, because I was taught from my o reply to a gentleman so far my superior in earliest infancy to believe that the Constitution of debate, so talented and brilliant in the presenta- the United States and the laws enacted by Con. tion of his views before a deliberative assembly, gress in accordance therewith shall be the supreme as the gentleman who has preceded me. I con- law of the land, the laws of any State to the conless that I shall feel some embarrassment in at- trary notwithstanding. I repeat it, gentlemen, tempting a reply to the all-absorbing war-speech that this was one of my earliest lessons I learned which we have heard from him. I fear I shall in connection with the powers of my Government. not be able to meet his argument, because he is a I do not propose to consume the time of this Conpowerful man; but while I do not expect to fol- vention in dwelling longer upon that point. I low him through all the meanderings of his no- will now proceed to consider the situation of Miswns, it is yet gratifying to me to know that, ele- souri for a few moments. Look at yonder flag, Fated as I have been to come up to this stand, I | if you please, and behold Missouri, as shinshall for a few moments occupy the same stand ing forth in the constellation of States as shich one of the great lights of this Convention one of the central stars in the West, and ask Les so ably occupied.

yourselves the question, what is the proper Gentlemen of the Convention: In regard to the position for Missouri to occupy under expowers of Government of which that gentleman isting circumstances ? Now, gentlemen, I hold bas spoken, I agree with him to some extent. I it to be a truth that, as was remarked by my agree with him in holding that we have a com- friend from Marion, on the day before yesterday, plete system of government, and that all the pow- Missouri could turn out more fighting men er that the General Government can exercise is than any other slave State in the Union; and I Jerived solely from the Constitution. I am one will add that, if circumstances require it, she of those individuals who may be called strict would do so. I will add, further, that I believe outstructionists of the Constitution of this that Missouri to-day can turn out more Union, country. He says, further, that this Government Constitution-loving men, than any two Southern 225 power to levy war upon a foreign nation, but States in this Confederacy. Then, gentlemen, the what it has no power to levy war against a sister question arises, as I have suggested, as to what State.

is the proper position for Missouri to occupy. I Now, if he put this proposition by itself, it think the proper answer to this question is of the vould certainly recommend itself to my mind for most vital importance. What is' the answer is justness and plausibility. But he, at the same given by the Committee on Federal Relations ? dime, argues that seven States have dissolved What does that report contain? In considering their connection with the Federal Government- the resolutions offered by the Committee, I desire Laat they have gone out of the Union; and I would to give a fair and candid expression of my senask him whether, such being the case, they can timents, and the sentiments of the people whom I sai be regarded as sister States ? or whether they am representing on this floor. I do not intend, must be looked upon by the General Government by any remark that I may make, to reproach any in the light of foreign nations? If it be true that gentlemen who is a member of this Convention, thoe States have gone out, and it be, furthermore, and who, for causes satisfactory to himself, disnie, that the General Government has power to agrees with me in regard to this report. I do not 4r war against a foreign nation, does it not fol- design to heap epithets upon the people of the low that, if circumstances should require, the North, nor to heap epithets upon the people of General Government must treat them as any oth- the South; but in speaking of the wrongs and er foreign nation?

pointing out the errors of both sections, I shall But almitting, for a moment, that those States proceed with candor and moderation, extending hart not goue out-admitting that they are still my hand to both, and hailing them as the comto luded in the American sisterhood, let me ask mon family of this Government.

kentleman if the Constitution does not confer The first resolution offered by the Committee, Wuple power upon the Executive to repel insur- (I refer, of couse, to the majority report,) is as te tions and invasions by the people of one State follows: apon the people of another State?

Resolved, That at present there is no adequate A VOICE. No.

cause to impel Missouri to dissolve her connection with the Federal Union, but, on the contrary, not by my approbation, that Mr. Lincoln was she will labor for such an adjustment of existing made President of the United States. On the troubles as will secure the peace as well as the contrary, I have done everything that an honor. rights and equality of all the States.

able man with my feeble power could do to deI ask, gentlemen of this Convention, do you ob- feat him. But, gentlemen, I see no cause why ject to that resolution? I ask gentlemen who this Convention should not adopt the first reso. came here for the purpose of using all honorable lution. Much as the South has been wronged by means to preserve the Union, if they can have any the Republican party, and great as has been the objection to it? I believe that I can say that an evil which the ascendancy of that party has overwhelming majority of the members of this brought upon our country, still I see no reason Convention will be found in its favor. And I why we should reject that resolution. The genmay also say, although my knowledge of the tleman from Andrew, if I understand him right, people of the State is limited, yet, judging from the says that it is a great and tremendous evil for a sentiments of 9,000 to 10,000 legal voters whom minister in the North to preach the "irrepressible I have the honor to represent, they will give conflict” from his pulpit. Undoubtedly it is. But their hearty approbation to it. I took the posi- I tell him it is acting in bad faith towards the tion before my people, in making the little can- people of this Goverment, and equally as wrong vass that I did make, that there was no existing for a Southern minister to take up the doctrine cause at that time, or any cause which I could of disunion and preach it from his pulpit. If it see as likely to arise, sufficient to justify this is wrong for one section of the country to disreState in dissolving her connection with the Gen- gard the laws and bid defiance to the Constitueral Government. I here to-day repeat it, in or- tion, so it is for another. der to redeem my pledges to the people before So much for the first resolution. I now prowhom I canvassed. I maintain that there is no ceed to the second resolution, which reads as folcause existing to-day that would impel me, as a lows: citizen of Missouri-as a citizen of the United Resolved, that the people of this State are deStates—to dissolve my connection with my Gov- votedly attached to the institutions of our counernment. I would, in my judgment, prove recre- try, and earnestly desire that, by a fair and amiant to the people that honored me with a seat in cable adjustment, all the causes of disagreement this Convention, were I to occupy any other po- that at present unfortunately distract us as a peosition. I believe I should prove recreant to the ple, may be removed, to the end that our Union mother who gave me birth, were I to occupy any may be preserved and perpetuated, and peace and other position. Sir, I assert it again, there was harmony be restored between the North and the no existing canse for Missouri going out of the South. Union at the time I made my canvass; and the Now, gentlemen, allow me to ask you this only event that has taken place since, that could question. Is not it the desire of every member have any weight in determining the action of on this floor that all the difficulties which are Missouri, is the Inaugural of the President. I now distracting our country should be setiled? told my people that, with all the facts and cir- Is not that the desire of the delegates to this Con cumstances then existing, and with the addition- vention? Undoubtedly it is. I have no hesitancy al fact of Mr. Lincoln's inauguration on the 4th in saying that if any gentleman had taken a poof March, there was not sufficient cause to dis- sition different from, or antagonistic to this-if solve our connection with the General Govern- any gentleman had avowed that he was not for ment. Mr. Lincoln has since been inaugurated. compromise, that he was not for an amicable adHis Inaugural Address has been delivered and justment of existing difficulties, he could not received all over the country, and I still find that have been elected to a seat in this body. I hold there is no cause for Missouri to secede. In my that position, and I shall never hold one that is in humble judgment, that Inaugural, instead of be- conflict with it. I deem it to be in accordance ing a war message, is a peace message; and, in with the wishes of the people of Missouri. I 80 believing, I am willing to be responsible to my know that Missouri holds this position, and I am constituents.

not afraid that the voice of the people will ever But we are told that the people of the North say to me, Foster, you are mistaken-you know have brought about the “irrepressible conflict,” nothing about the people of Missouri. and that it is of a nature too intolerable for the Gentlemen, I came here as a compromise man. people of the Southern States to endure. Gentle- I came here pledged before my people that I men, I take this occasion to say—and my people would do all in my power to restore peace to our know that what I am saying is correct-that I en- now distracted but once happy country, and I tirely disagree with Mr. Lincoln or his party in am impelled by my sense of duty to act accordregard to the subject of slavery. I do not indorse ingly. I will so act, first, because it is congenial any of their sentiments on this subject. Most to my sentiments, and, secondly, because it is the emphatically it was not by my consent-it was position which I took before my constituents.

an

And I may be permitted to remark, that how- Regarding this resolution, I would ask you, Ever I may be wanting in ability to meet their gentlemen of the Convention, whether it is not expectations on this floor, yet there is one thing the desire of the people you represent to take this in which I never will be found wanting, and that slavery question out of the hands of politicians is, integrity to carry out the position which I and political demagogues. So far as I am contook before them.

cerned, I frankly confess that, if I could, by any

means honorable to an American citizen, take I repeat it, Mr. President, is it possible that

that question out of the power of legislation; if there is a member in this body who is not willing I could take it out of the power of politicians and to use all the power at his command for the pur

political demagogues, I would conceive it to be pose of restoring peace to the country? I appre

the proudest act of my life. If I have one desire hend there is no one. I apprehend that it is the

above another, in eonnection with the political desire of every member that peace should be re

questions of the day, it is that we could make stored. I believe there is no member of this

a fair adjustment of this slavery question, and Convention but who is disposed to maintain the

take it out of the arena of politics. Sir, it is this Union of these States and to maintain his Con.

question which has distracted and divided stitutional rights as a citizen in the great family

my country, and set one section in hostile array of States. If this is not the desire of this con

against another. It is through it that men have rention, I confess that I have been unable to dis

been lifted into power who were unworthy of cover what its complexion is. And if, contrary

the people that placed them there. There will to my expectation, this should not prove to

always be a difference of opinion in regard to it. be its complexion, yet I feel sure that it

The people of the North, who were reared under is the complexion of the people whom I

Northern institutions, are taught to believe that represent in part to-day. Keeping a central posi- slavery is a curse—that it is an evil-and hence tion in the West as we do, it becomes our duty, they are from their youth up prejudiced if there are causes of complaint, to examine them

against it. On the other hand, the people of the and speak of them in a mild and conciliatory | South, who were raised under Southern institumanner. Such is the nature of the American

tions, look upon it as right and proper, and ritizen, that you cannot even drive him to do

are apt to be prejudiced in its favor. Hence, that which he wants to do, much less drive him looking at slavery in abstract point to do that which he does not want to do. It will

of view, it cannot seem strange that there not do for us, therefore, to discriminate against should be difference of opinion about it. one section or another-it will not do for us to

Agitation, then, becomes dangerous, and is beap epithets, either upon the people of the North calculated to array the adherents of one opinion or upon the people of the South; but we must

against the adherents of another. We have all proceed in the calm, deliberative and conciliatory seen the devastating effects of the slavery agitamanner, speaking to the men of the North and

tion. We are even now suffering from it, and the men of the South as our brothers. We behold the humiliating spectacle of a once happy should indeed be compromise men. Sir, I desire country, distracted and drive to the verge of that every act of mine, that every word of mine, ruin on account of it. Then, what are we to do? and every declaration of mine, shall be that

Is it not urgent that we should adopt some plan while we can extend our left hand to the people by which to take it out of the power of legisof the North, we can extend our right hand to lation? Do we not all see that, so long as it rethe people of the South, talking to them as one

mains an open question, the people of the North common family-talking to them as I would to contending that Congress possesses the power brothers of the flesh, who I believed had done under the Constitution to prohibit the introducme wrong, but whom I would entreat to come tion of slavery into the Territories, and the back and do me right. Such I desire to be my people of the South contending that the Territoaction, and such I desire to be the action of this ries are common property, will be arrayed against Convention.

each other, and there will be unceasing strife

and contention? It is therefore well that this Mr. President, I will now proceed to read the

resolution may compromise by amendments to third resolution :

the Constitution, the effect of which will be to Resolved, That the people of this State deem quiet all agitation on the subject of slavery forthe amendments to the Constitution of the United ever. I have taken a position before the people States, proposed by the Hon. John J. Crittenden, in my district, that I would accept as the basis of Kentucky, with the extension of the same to of compromise what is known as the Crittenden the territory hereafter to be acquired by treaty or amendment, or one of similar import; and I state otherwise, a basis of adjustment which will suc- before you to-day, in clear and unmistakablelanressfully remore the causes of difference forever guage, that I am willing to take any compromise from the arena of national politics.

that will restore peace and harmony between the