"International Congress" was prepared by Elihu Burritt and the Secretary, James B. Miles, in consultation together, which resulted in a meeting at Brussels in October, 1873. Among those who assembled at the Conference were distinguished men from Italy, Spain, England, Holland, and the United States. It received also the countenance of such Americans as Theodore D. Woolsey, Reverdy Johnson, Emory Washburne, Charles Francis Adams, and other eminent jurists and statesmen.

After full and able discussion, in which most of the members participated, the Conference adopted unanimously the following resolution :

"The Conference declares that an international code, defining with all the precision possible the rights and duties of nations and of their members, is eminently desirable in the interest of peace, of friendly relations, and of the common prosperity. It is therefore of opinion that nothing should be neglected to arrive at the preparation and adoption of such code, The Conference reserves the question of judging to what point the codification of the law of nations should be simply scientific, and to what point it should be embodied in treaties or conventions formally accepted by sovereign States.

"The Conference declares that it regards arbitration the means essentially just, reason able, and even obligatory on nations, of terminating international differences which cannot be settled by negotiation. It abstains from affirming that this means can be applied in all cases without exception. But it believes these exceptions to be rare. And it is of opinion that no difference ought to be considered insoluble until after a complete exposition of the matter in dispute, after a reasonable delay, and after the exhaustion of all pacific means of adjustment."

At the Congress at The Hague in 1875 an effort was made by Judge Peabody, Chancellor Pruyn, and other American delegates, to adjourn to meet in the United States in 1876, but it was unsuccessful.

IS THIS HOSTILITY TO THE SOUTH? Under the requirements of the laws by which lands were granted in aid of railroad construction to the several States several million acres in the Southern States reverted to the public domain at the close of the rebellion, owing to the non-completion of the roads to which they had been devoted. The total was about eleven million acres. A considerable proportion of this has been assigned to settlers in farms of forty and eighty acres each. But Congress has not been unmindful of the South since the surrender at Appomattox, as the following statement of grants or renewals will prove:

To this total should be added 1,582,718 acres granted to Missouri in 1866 for the construction of two railroads directly advancing the interests of Tennessee and Arkansas. These make a total of

To the reconstructed States.
To corporations direct, (within those
States)..

Acres. 5,521,889

4,000,000 .21,520,000

To corporations for Southern roads,
and within the Territories..
To Missouri for Southwestern connec-

tions..

Total

1,582,718 ..32,624,607

Among the testimonies respecting the success of this mission is the following extract from the letter of an English gentleman: "The marked attention which you have elicited for the object of your interesting mission from a number of the most eminent men in Europe, including such foremost statesmen (practical men removed to the furthest extent possible from mere theorists utopian dreamers) as Mr. Gladstone, our Prime Minister, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, for-zation should take place in every town and merly Prime Minister of France under the Emperor Napoleon III., and Count Sclopis, President of the Geneva Tribunal-this is in itself a great work achieved."

or

BOURBON Democracy relies upon a united South in the coming Presidential struggle. Republicans should do their best to secure a united North. To this end, effective organ

city of the Northern States. The issue involved is the life of the nation, and to place this issue properly before the people should be the duty of true citizens everywhere.

A REPUBLICAN SUCCESS NECESSARY TO PROTECT THE PUBLIC CREDIT.

success.

A short time since, when the chiefs of the South, and its peculiar institution. So Democratic party were laying out their plans earnest had been the communications of for the coming Presidential campaign, one some of the ambassadors, and so boastful of the most influential of our Democratic had they been of the high and Christian contemporaries in the West advised them to character of Southerners, "born to comattack the REPUBLICAN PARTY ON ITS RECORD mand," as they said, but failing to say "the as the best means of securing Democratic plantation slaves, ignorant as cattle though No Republican can have the slight- in the form of men and women," that statesest objection to such a course. It is an ap-men were perplexed, and had to wait the peal "to the law and to the testimony ;" and arrival of Republican successors until they such an appeal is always to be welcomed, could understand events. because the record of the Republican party has passed into history, and the most plausi-sadors and other emissaries was to misrepreble doubts will be resolved into the most brilliant certainty in the light of facts which can be produced on all points wherein the country has been served with honesty or protected from injury which the partisan spirit of the Democracy deliberately sought to inflict upon it.

The effect of the labors of disloyal ambas

sent the resources of the South by ridiculous boasting, and to undervalue the resources of the North; the 'combined effect of which was to discredit the national securities and alarm the holders abroad. The same course was pursued at home; and the Government had to raise money on the best terms it could, but often at a less amount than the face value of the bond, and at a high rate of interest. This early and great loss to the people is distinctly traceable to the disl oyal utterances of the Democratic party at an important crisis in the country's history.

Take for instance the injury inflicted upon the national credit at home and abroad by the Democratic party. The Democratic party is responsible as an accessory both before and after the rebellion of the South. Democratic leaders were in communication with the disloyal leaders of the South, and At last the country put aside the Demoknew how treason was spreading and cratic party as utterly untrustworthy, and what preparations were made for the out- the Republican party assumed the control of break of the war. The Democratic party every national interest. Its first duty was to were in power up to the year 1860. In view save the Union. To do this on the battleof what the Democratic party knew as about field, on the men-of-war, and in the council of to take place in the South it would admit to State was the natural instinct of Republicans. the public service but two classes of men, The grand armies of the Republic were reviz: Southerners who were prepared to des- cruited under the command of soldiers who troy the Union to preserve slavery, or North-loved the Union, and were willing, men and ern men with Southern proclivities. These officers, to shed their blood for its preservamen were sent abroad as ministers and con- tion. While the war was being fought suls; and the consequence was that in every Republican statesmen were preparing the court of continental Europe, in England, and ways and means for raising money. The the other courts of the world, the utterances public mind had to be disabused of the evil of the public servants of the United States, seed the Democratic party had sown in it. paid by the people, were impudently disloyal. Patriots, in whom the people trusted, had to These public servants, professing to worship come forward and pledge the faith of the slavery, gravely announced to foreign states- Nation that the pledges of the Republican men that the Union would be destroyed by party should be kept. These pledges were violence if the intelligent freemen of the enacted into law; and as the Nation's honor North did not cease to interfere with the was in the keeping of a Republican Congress

GENERAL GRANT-THE SIOUX BRAVE "TAKE THINGS."

face at the joke; and some of them "laughed consumedly." Yet it was a good joke, far too good to be allowed to slide into oblivion. Moreover that joke had a mission to perform; and in the performance of that mission good men laughed contentedly, while rebels regarded it with a wry face. The Sioux brave Take Things, that reminded people of General Grant, recalled vividly to the recollection of another writer for the press what the Chicago editor had no wish to remember. He said of General Grant, as Take Things :

One of the worst features of newspaper expected to roar themselves black in the attacks upon public men is that it spares neither worth, virtue, nor manhood. When a journal passes the bounds of truth and decency it cannot complain of its loss of influence, for it has taken the steps most cal culated to secure it. Not only does it lose its influence, but it loses also any reputation that it might have had for truth by indulging in this species of slander; and it deserves the rebuke of right-thinking men when administered in the way most likely to be felt the keenest, a diminution of its subscription list. What claim has the editor of a newspaper to the regard of his fellow men when he seeks to smirch and belittle the character of those whom the people have exalted by reason of the great services they rendered to the country? General Grant has been exposed to incessant attacks from a certain class of the press. These attacks have been undeserved, and have shown that the editors making them are unable to appreciate deeds which will make the name of U. S. Grant live in the history of the country his military ability helped to save. And it may safely be said, that when he shall have retired from the Presidency and the noise of political clamor shall have died away his name will shine forth with renewed luster, and the remembrance of his great deeds be revived.

The editor of the Chicago Times is anxious, however, to excel in meanness, and his ambition has, perhaps, met with its match, and is not likely to be troublesome for some time to come. Where scandal is the source of wit very little can be expected, but that little, like the Australian boomerang, may come back and hurt the person throwing it. The Chicago Times has sufficient sympathy to fraternize with the unreconstructed Southern Democrats who sought to destroy the Union. To please this class of friends, the editor opened its columns to the publication of this interesting item:

"A Sioux brave is named Take Things Take Things is Indian for Grant."

Of course every Democrat and rebel was

"Yes; we recall it now; he took Donelson, Petersburg, Richmond, and other things not have given them had they been able to which the rebels cannot deny, as they would hold them, but which having been taken from them by General Grant, were a fitting prelude to the day of Appomattox, when braced Grant's legs to be assured of the every rebel in Lee's army would have emsafety of his neck."

BORROWING TROUBLE.-The Democracy, through its agents in the House of Representatives, have been trying for the past six months to discover a few faults in the Republican party out of which they can make political capital. If one half the labor had been expended to give due credit to Republican virtues the faults of the party would have appeared so trifling that even Democrats would have united in praising it as the most perfect political organization ever devised by wisdom and patriotism. The astronomer who searches the surface of the sun for the dark spots that are known to be there, may borrow trouble over the ultimate

extinguishment of the fiery orb. But to those who enjoy the light, and who receive health and comfort from the warm sunshine, the dark spots bring no anxiety, for they are emitted. So with the few spots that are swallowed up in the brilliancy of the rays found on the record of Republicanism. They may trouble the Clymers, and Randalls, and the ex-Confederate astronomers of the House; but the people care nothing for them, for they know they are the rare exceptions and not the rule in the Administration of the Republican party.

THE WORK OF THE FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS.

STATE OF LEGISLATION.

This day (Wednesday, June 14, 1876) the business of Congress lingers unfinished. Nothing of consequence has been perfected since our last month's report. The time has been largely occupied in political maneuvers preliminary to the nominating Presidential conventions. To-day the Republican convention meets at Cincinnati, and for many days the air has been rife with speculation as to the successful aspirant. Almost the entire press of the country has been engrossed with these approaching great events. Even the Centennial has for the day been

eclipsed in the excitement which centers in the Presidential question. In ten days the Democratic convention will meet in St. Louis to make their nomination, and all calculation as to its choice is as much at fault as

the reckoning of the soothsayers in the Republican camp. But the interest in these rival movements is sufficient to explain many things in regard to the action of Congress during the past month.

THE HOUSE.

Louisiana, has been unseated. The balance of these personal matters, with the exception of the case of Mr. Speaker Kerr, hangs still in inextricable confusion. The Democratic leaders of the House, such as Messrs. Knott, Randall, and Hill, have proved utterly incompetent and unfit for the management of affairs. What with the discussions on the

tariff, on the different schemes of the currency, and the public debt, on the necessi

ties and administrations of the different branches of the Government, and especially in the action concerning individual cases, they have brought the whole round of legislative questions into the most imminent peri!.

Exasperated by the charges brought against Mr. Doorkeeper Fitzhugh, and more than all by the ignorant and silly letter he wrote to a friend in Texas, they rushed madly upon him, and forthwith turned him out of his

office.

MR. BLAINE'S TRIUMPH.

But the grand day of the session was Monday, June 5th, when Mr. Blaine rose to a The House, while professing to devote its personal explanation. The sub-committee time to the legitimate business before it, has of the Judiciary Committee of the House had really been frittering away the precious called Mr. Blaine before them to explain his period in professions of economy and reform connection with certain alleged transactions and in prosecuting its numerous investiga- of the Kansas Pacific and the Northern Pations. Nothing has been done with the ap- cific railroad. They had also summoned propriation bills now pending. The most from Boston one James Mulligan, who was important of these bills-without which, said to have possession of some private letters ⚫ after this month, the Government will have of Mr. Blaine, written to his business partner, to suspend operations for want of money- Mr. Warren Fisher, which if published would lies as it came from the Senate, with more be very damaging to Mr. Blaine. That Multhan a thousand amendments, and some of ligan should have possession of these letters them very serious, yet to be considered. and hold them as a menace over Mr. Blaine Reports from some of the investigating comwas an enormous outrage, and tended to mittees have been made. Ex-Minister excite him to the highest pitch of feeling. Schenck, while acquitted of any intentional He immediately sought an interview with or moral wrong, has been censured for his Mulligan, and after considerable effort suceareless connection with the affairs which ceeded in getting these letters into his hands. originated the Emma Mine scandal. Mr. The committee demanded the letters, which A. M. Clapp, the Congressional Printer, Mr. Blaine refused to submit. This placed has also been severely handled, with a re-him in a wholly false position before the commendation that he be tried in the courts for gross malfeasance in office. Some of the contested election cases have been disposed of, and one Republican, Mr. Morey, from

public, and was calculated to do him im. mense injury in the public mind. Already suspicions were put afloat that Mr. Blaine withheld the letters through fear of exposure.