mechanics and common laborers. Their extravagance in food is reckless and is one important cause why, with the high rates of wages that prevail here, workmen save so little more than in countries where wages are lower and where food is dearer. . . . If the facts could be brought to the knowledge of the spendthrifts who most need them, a very great work could be done. It is one which the priests of the Roman Catholic Church have peculiar facilities for doing, and they would doubtless undertake it if they appreciated its importance."

These suggestions are excellent. But why not other clergymen as well? The people of limited means are not all Catholics, nor do Protestant ministers fail to appreciate the need of caring for the material as well as the spiritual wants of their flocks. They, too, are anxious for the great mass of humanity outside the churches, and know that such means as these are among the most efficient for getting the multitudes who ignore the Church to feel that it and its spiritual ministra. tions are for them. Is it not a matter for all who are intent upon bringing New Testament Christianity more and more into the affairs of daily life and using it to elevate the masses of mankind? Christianity and the Church are the great agents of the world's charity and its "higher education." In different ages these functions have necessarily been exercised by the Church in different ways. One way which the present phase of material and intellectual progress makes essential is the application of the teachings of science to the material, and hence the moral, elevation of men. Not that churches should set up cooking-schools or clergymen become experts in chemistry, but that the right fulness of economy should be taught, its simpler principles explained, and people encouraged to think and learn about them, and helped to use them. The members of the medical profession, too, might aid greatly, as indeed they do. They see the practical needs and can, in their daily intercourse with the families they visit, suggest much that is helpful.

Of course the facts of food-economy must be got into popular shape, but this is being done. It is only in these later days that science is getting hold of them. In the series of articles now appearing in THE CENTURY it has been necessary to devote many pages to explanations of the fundamental principles of nutrition and the experiments upon which they are based, because much that is important has not yet been put into English: even the latest text-books do not contain these things. Further articles, like the one in the present number, will give practical details and their application in the directions of domestic and social economy, health, and morals. In due time simple manuals and other publications will doubtless become common, and the subject thus be placed more fully before the people.

The industrial schools are taking up the chemical, physiological, and economic phases of the subject. There is a demand that instruction in this, as in other branches of applied science, be given to the pupils of the public schools, and the first steps in this direction have already been taken in some cities.

But one great difficulty is the lack of information. More research is needed. The work of some of our boards of health and labor bureaus is beginning to tell. The agricultural experiment stations established and to

be established in each State and Territory of the Union, by an Act of the last Congress, will acquire information of value. But much that is pressingly demanded requires peculiar facilities for its production, such as are found only in the laboratories and libraries of the great educational institutions, and is dependent for its best development upon the intellectual attrition and the opportunities for continuous study which such establishments alone can offer. In the European universities these facilities are provided by the Government; with us they depend upon private munificence. The investigations which Professor Atwater has told of in THE CENTURY as carried on in this country have been largely dependent upon private aid. Those in which he has been engaged at Wesleyan University would have been impossible without it.

A

The endowment of research is one of the most useful forms of public benefaction. Here is a way in which it may be made extremely useful. A few hundreds of dollars will make a valuable piece of investigation, a few thousands, an important research, possible. laboratory built and equipped for a sum which many a man invests in a house at a watering-place, or a pleasure yacht, and an endowment that would yield a revenue equal to the annual cost of the house or yacht, would bring results of untold value to the world.

A gratifying illustration of the progress in this direction is being shown by one of our popular scientific journals. "Science," taking up the subject as treated in the columns of THE CENTURY, is instituting an inquiry into the subject of the wastefulness in the purchase and use of food by wage-workers and the poor. The results can hardly fail to be of great

value.

America is not Russia.

WE do not see how anything could more clearly demonstrate the folly and crime of an anarchical movement in America than the papers by Mr. Kennan, on the condition of affairs in the Russian Empire, now being published in THE CENTURY.

These criticisms proceed from a country whose relations with Russia are particularly cordial. They are printed in a periodical where "The Life of Peter the Great," published as a two-years' serial, did much to increase the amicable interest of Americans in the affairs of Russia, and they are from a hand that has shown conspicuously its friendliness toward the Russian Government.

Without favoring or defending the methods of the Russian revolutionists, Mr. Kennan shows that the violence which individuals, or groups of individuals, are guilty of in Russia, is a natural result of the absence of civil liberty. The Russian Liberals (not revolutionists) demand-what? The readers of the November CENTURY have seen the moderation of their demand: they desire freedom of speech, freedom of the press, security for personal rights, and a constitutional form of government. America, above all nations of the world, means these very things. Anarchy, and the dastardly methods of the anarchist, have no slightest color of excuse to exist in a free country. And, thank Heaven! America is continually making it evident that a free country is abundantly adapted to the defense of its own freedom; that is to say, of its own existence.

Industrial Training in the Public Schools.

PHILADELPHIA.

T gives me great, pleasure to state that the efforts made to introduce industrial training into the public schools of Philadelphia have been attended with the most unqualified success. The provisions thus far made for carrying it into operation are as follows:

1. The Kindergarten. This feature of our school system is of recent origin, and is as yet imperfectly organized. It is our purpose, however, ultimately to make the Kindergarten the foundation of all the education given in the public schools of the city.

2. Instruction in Sewing to Girls. All the girls above the first two years of the school course receive systematic instruction in sewing. The classes now number about twenty-five thousand girls. Our experience has been that from the age of nine years it is possible for girls to make rapid progress in the elementary processes of sewing, and, as they advance, to make practical application of these processes to the making of garments. The sewing lessons do not interfere in the slightest with the other work of the schools. They afford a pleasant rest to the children, who seem greatly to enjoy the hour devoted to this occupation. My opinion is that there is a good deal of educational value in the sewing work, over and above the practical application which will be made of it in real life.

3. Industrial Art Training. A school is maintained for the children attending the grammar schools, in which instruction is given in free-hand drawing, modeling in clay, wood-carving, and simple joinery work. This school is open to both boys and girls, who receive two hours' instruction per week. The training has a marked influence upon the productive faculties of the pupils, and the results prove how strong the artistic tendency is in the general average of children.

4. The Manual Training School. This is the chief feature of our industrial education. It is a school to which boys who have finished the grammar-school course are admitted upon examination. In addition to a good secondary education in the English language, history, mathematics, and science, and a thorough course in drawing, instruction is given in the nature and use of the fundamental tools, and in their application to the chief materials used in the industries of the world. The success of this school has exceeded our highest anticipations. The manual training has a marked influence upon the mental and moral character of the boys-producing a thoroughness and earnestness in every task which is quite unusual among boys of their age. The average age of the pupils when admitted is about fifteen years. The course of instruction occupies three years.

It will thus be seen that in Philadelphia we have made a beginning in several directions with industrial, or as I prefer to call it, manual, training. The problem remaining to be solved is such an extension and coördination of these elements as shall furnish a con

tinuous and progressive course of manual training all along the line of the pupils' education.

It is scarcely three years since these efforts to graft industrial training on the public schools of the city was begun, but it has already won the confidence of the community, and there is a growing demand for its further extension throughout the school system. I believe that the incorporation of industrial training into the public schools of this country is only a question of time. The misunderstanding as to its purposes arises chiefly among those who have no personal knowledge of its practical operation and management. My conviction is that before a great while it will be universally accepted as the greatest advance which has been made in the public education of the United States for half a century.

Yours very truly,

James MacAlister, Superintendent Public Schools, Philadelphia, Pa.

NEW HAVEN.

IN trying to incorporate industrial training as a part of our public-school course, we have avoided attempting anything that would interfere materially with work already established. Plain sewing has been introduced in all intermediate schools, much to the satisfaction of both parents and children. Although only one hour per week is assigned to this branch, considerable skill has been acquired, and very neat specimens of needlework are now to be seen in many schools.

An attempt to adapt the occupations of the Kindergarten to primary schools has been measurably successful. This "busy work," so called, is intended to train the hand and the eye, assist the teaching of reading, writing, and numbers, employ the activities of children in a pleasant way, and lay the foundation for drawing and higher manual work.

During the past year, Prang's models for teaching form have been introduced, with exercises in clay modeling. This furnishes the best basis for industrial drawing, which is now a part of our curriculum.

Early in the year a manual-training shop, capable of accommodating twenty-four boys at once, was opened, and ten classes, selected from the several grammar schools of the city, have received two hours' instruction each week. The boys thus instructed have, as a rule, been full of interest, and with about thirty lessons have become fairly proficient in the use of tools.

The effect of these several forms of industrial effort upop teaching generally is good. The value of dealing with things rather than with words is becoming an axiom in all our schools.

Consequently we have a highly intelligent citizenship, great business activity, and a high degree of inventive skill by which machinery is made to do the work of man and to cheapen every product which his need requires.

Now these very results of our education are so much admired that they are used as an argument against the system which produced them. Mental training has resulted in great industrial progress: and now we are exhorted to abandon that training and work directly for industrial progress. Industrial education is the popular fetich; and if any one tries to advocate anything else he is suppressed by the old cry of "Great is Diana of the Ephesians."

Technical schools undoubtedly are in demand; and they are essential and highly useful. Special industrial schools are also to be encouraged, and they may be beneficial. But the public schools should not be subverted or overthrown in order to make a place for such schools.

In the first place, a distinct phase of this kind of education was begun more than fifty years ago, and it proved a dead failure. It has been my fortune to be connected with three institutions of this kind, in the States of Maine and Massachusetts, where were to be seen the decaying ruins of a system as promising to its advocates as any which is now proposed.

In the second place there is a fallacy in the claim that manual training in school is necessary in order to produce intellectual honesty; that accuracy of thought and statement can not be secured without muscular work in the production of material things; that geometry, for example, can not be learned thoroughly without cutting out blocks, nor astronomy without going up in a balloon to see the stars; for this is what the advocates of manual training claim when their claim is reduced to its bald and concrete form. In the third place there is a materialistic tendency, in the present advocacy of manual training as an adjunct of public. school education, which is destructive of that virile quality of thought and mental power which it is the province of education to beget. Within a fortnight one of these advocates is reported to have said: "The important thing to keep before a boy's mind in school is, How will all this help me in getting a living?'"-as if the American people need to be stimulated in moneygetting; and as if the high object of education is the almighty dollar!

Finally, when the public-school system undertakes to do everything for a pupil; to train his mind to clear and vigorous thinking; to develop all his physical powers and teach him a trade by which he may earn a livelihood; and to train his moral nature so that he may have a clear passport to heaven, then this system will fall to pieces of its own weight. For ours is not a paternal government whose design is to care for each individual, but a democracy in which each has not only to take care of himself but to help also in making regulations for all; and till the family relation is overthrown in the onward "progress" of our age, something must be left to parents; and it can best be left there in spite of the protestations of those self-constituted philanthropists who so much desire to educate every child for his "sphere in life."

A. P. Marble, Superintendent Public Schools, Worcester, Mass.

Industrial Training in the New York Catholic
Protectory.

THE New York Catholic Protectory is a remarkable instance of a reformatory in which industrial training is carried on to an extent unsurpassed by that of any similar institution in the world. The work and methods of the Protectory are but little known to the people of the State, although it is annually visited by many European educators and economists, and has been repeatedly noticed and extolled in the columns of such papers as the London "Times,” “Standard," "Chronicle," "Post," and " Pall Mall Gazette." The superiority and excellence of its industrial training consist chiefly in the variety of trades taught, thus affording a scope for differing tastes and aptitude; the thorough, efficient nature of the instruction; the size and superior appointments of the shops; and the high standard attained as workmen by boys trained there. The following trades are taught: printing, electrotyping, silk-weaving, shoemaking, tailoring, chair-making, blacksmithing, carpentry; the business of machinists, wheelwrights, bakers, and practical farming and gardening. The girls, who are under the charge of the Sisters of Charity, are instructed in sewing, embroidery, kid-glove making, dress and shirt making. Last year the proceeds of the sewing and glove-making departments alone amounted to $11,031.32.

Mental and manual training are combined in the most admirable manner, the time of the children being about equally divided between the school-room and the work-shop, with ample opportunities for recreation. From October until May evening classes are formed in free-hand, mechanical, and architectural drawing, and in designing and modeling. In all the trades the precision and taste which the habit of drawing gives are clearly perceptible. The children of the Junior Department, who are kept entirely separate from the others, have their own work-shops, where, for a few hours daily, they are initiated into the elementary principles of trade instruction, as a preparation for the real shopwork of the Senior Department. Every boy in the Protectory is taught some trade in its entirety, and if, for any reason, he leaves before finishing his particu lar trade, he is at least thoroughly grounded in an elementary knowledge of it, and can readily find employment outside.

The various work-shops are each under the supervision of one of the Christian Brothers, who watches over the manners and morals of the boys, and maintains order and discipline; but the trade instruction is, in every case, given by skilled, trained mechanics, who are paid liberal salaries to act as instructors and foremen to the youthful workmen. The superior quality of the work done by very young children proves conclusively what may be done by judicious, intelligent training. Take, for example, the shoe-shop, which employs 260 boys and turns out over 300 pairs of shoes a day; or the printing-office, which does the entire work of two large publishing houses. The average age of the boys is twelve years. At the New Orleans Exhibition the work of the Protectory attracted universal attention, as it had done the year before at the London International Exhibition. Among the exhibits were finely woven silks, engravings, exquisite carvings and designs, beautiful specimens of printing, electrotyping, embroidery and sewing, well-made and really finished shoes,

suits of clothing, and gloves. The work in wood was well represented by tables, chairs, and excellent examples of carpentry.

The production of work for a regular market by the Protectory is also an important factor in promoting the efficiency and value of the industrial training. Thus, in filling an order for a certain amount of work to be ready at a stated time, many practical questions must be taken into consideration, a knowledge of which is of the highest value to the workman. So a boy is taught not only the execution of the work, but the time required for its performance; the cost of production; the quality and nature of materials; and many other practical matters which can only be learned by the production of work destined for actual use.

Boys trained in the shops of the Protectory are eagerly sought as workmen by the leading manufacturers, and many now fill positions as foremen and superintendents in large establishments in New York and neighboring cities.

Ida M. Van Etten.

The American Book.

THERE is one thing which, more than any other, would nationalize our literature. It is a question of a little common honesty — a matter of a little every-day sort of justice; and it would be twice blessed in the giving and in the receiving. We need a broadening of our copyright laws, a better protection for ideal and intellectual property, which is, after all, a more natural property than lands and corporeal hereditaments. It is a case where the ideal is most real; but it is also a property most liable to theft, most easily stolen, and least protected of all property.

It is gravely urged, in opposition to copyright legislation, that it would be wrong to force people to pay for what they can now have free-that to allow copyright to foreigners would be to pay an enormous tax for what we can have for the taking. Shoes and shirts are an enormous tax paid to decency and comfort. Shall we, therefore, in order to evade the tax, take the wares of the shoemaker and the tailor without compensation? It is the argument of Captain Kidd and the banditti. Proudhon said, 66 Property is robbery." America says, by her attitude on the copyright question, property in brains is robbery, if the brains are under a foreign scalp. A foreign author has no rights an American is bound to respect, and because of this theory, and this only, the converse is true in factthat an American author has no rights in the hands of a foreigner.

We bear with composure the charge, and the fact, of being robbers in the fields of literature, but our blood runs cold at the thought of the torch of the mob applied to the tinder of a factory, or at the vision of a piece of gas-pipe, charged with dynamite, flung into the streets of a great city. We can not afford to suspend the truest maxims of our freedom at the call of interest or expediency. We can not allow our love of dollars to overshadow the future and forge fetters for our principles, nor let communism of brains emasculate our literature and make us a nation of literary beggars. There is something better than cheapness. The smuggler's goods are cheap. Is the smuggler, therefore, a great reformer and a public benefactor? The people

must read, they must educate; but to do these things shall we steal or smuggle? James Russell Lowell says, "There is one thing better than a cheap book, and that is a book honestly come by." The argument that cheapness is a national blessing largely resolves itself into an argument that is individual and selfish. If it is of any force as against international copyright, let us carry it out to its logical sequence and abolish home copyright as well, and then sit down and forecast the result.

It is true that it is the duty of the State to legislate primarily in the interests of its own citizens. But "there is that scattereth, and yet increaseth; and there is that withholdeth more than is meet, but it tendeth to poverty." American progress can not be built up on cheapness alone. We sometimes buy cheap and ask no questions, glad that our wants and our purses so nearly agree; but there is, after all, a universal sentiment of honesty that is always glad to see one's neighbor come into his own. And it would seem to be the simplest possible proposition, that if one has made anything, whether a baby-jumper, or a book that is sufficiently valued by his fellow-men to be used by them, he has an ownership in his work, and is fairly entitled to a profit therefrom. Justice is better than cheapness, honesty is more to be desired than culture, righteousness is higher than expediency.

But expediency seems to be the highest reach of international law, and, abandoning any higher principle, it is full time for America to get into line with other states and nations, and amend her copyright laws on the ground of policy.

Competition is desirable, but our copyright laws put us beyond competition, and, as we have seen, into the range of pillage. Commercial monopoly tends to robbery. Mercantile competition is a matter of public policy. But an honest merchant can not compete with the pirate and the smuggler. Piracy and smuggling under governmental protection would soon destroy all home market and home manufacture, and home honesty as well. It is a regular "Stand and deliver" to all fair trade. This is just what the United States Government is doing in literary matters. It puts the American book in competition with the book for whose production nothing is paid. It is not "Chinese cheap labor," but stolen and absolutely unpaid labor!

If the alien's book is to be forever the cheapest book, it will be the book most read. American thought and action fed on foreign diet will, in time, be but an echo of foreign types. If we are to promote a national culture, we must keep abreast of our neighbors in all that tends to the advancement of a sound national literature. The state ought to have a literature in sympathy with it, for literature is one of the strongest forces in shaping social life and national character.

It is argued against international copyright that it will increase the price of books, and that cheap reading is a large factor in cheap education. Cheap reading is, perhaps, desirable, and cheap education may be a blessing, but things may sometimes be too cheap. I think the facts would be, that new foreign books would be higher in price, by reason of copyright, and new American books would be cheaper, by reason of a wider market. There is a large class of books which would not be affected by copyright, for it would not be retroactive. Year after year the books that age can

not wither nor custom stale-the books that are "immortalities" - are dropping into the common fund by the expiration of the "limited period." Let us take these spoils of time freely and without price, under the policy of all governments, but in all justice and good conscience let us recompense the author for his work, under whatsoever skies he writes, for the statute time.

The United States, whose literature owes more to the world than that of any other nation, is, in the matter of intellectual property, behind the age. She wraps the mantle of selfishness about her and legislates for her own family only, saying to her citizens, "Thou shalt not rob thine own brother, but if there be a stranger within thy gates, thou mayest plunder him with a high hand and a free conscience." It is one against the world, and her plunder weakens her capacity for producing work that is good at home, or work that the world will even steal. A governmental policy in copyright, that would grant common rights to others, would secure for ourselves rights which we need, and rights which would largely help us to higher standards, purer taste, and added nationality in our literature. John E. Cleland.

INDIANAPOLIS, IND.

The Piedmont Exposition, Atlanta. COUNTY and State fairs are locally advantageous whenever they are intelligently conducted. If planned so as to attract wide attention and induce general interest, they always arouse a spirited rivalry among the contestants for awards of merit, and such competitive efforts necessarily result in material benefit to all branches of industry and all departments of husbandry that are represented. Likewise inter-State and na tional expositions, when successfully managed, are proportionately beneficial throughout the wider fields of their influence. They are all eye-openers to the possibilities of energy, incentives to enterprise, and powerful factors in the creation of thrift and prosperity.

In these respects it is impossible to estimate what they have done for the South within the last ten years. Probably all of the others together are not equal in the value of their effect to the Piedmont Exposition, which occurred at Atlanta, Ga., about three months ago. It is now sufficiently a thing of the past to be reviewed calmly, with some chance of determining its practical results and substantial benefits.

It was only 104 days in course of preparation, and it lasted just two weeks. The fair-grounds, consisting of 197 acres, were farm-lands in cultivation when the Exposition was organized; and yet 104 days from that time, when the gates of the great fair were formally thrown open, all the necessary buildings and other arrangements, including an excellent race-track, stood in such admirable readiness that they seemed no less than the creditable result of many months of laborious preparation.

The Exposition itself was undeniably higher in its aim, wider in its scope, greater in its magnitude, and fuller in its success than any affair of the kind which has ever been held in the South.

If asked to express in one word the best result and most invaluable benefit of the Piedmont Exposition, I

should say-revelation! Revelation, deep and wide, of a common interest in our common country; revelation of local pride without the slightest disposition to insist upon the perpetuation of sectional lines between the States; revelation of a sincere desire for the profitable development of every resource of our broad land; revelation of that true patriotism which should make Massachusetts rejoice in the prosperity of Georgia's cotton-mills, and make Pennsylvania glad at Alabama's mineral wealth; revelation of the truth that we are one people, with no violently conflicting interests, no ground for jealous ambitions, and no cause for internal dissensions, but bound together by a union of purposes, a sympathy in aspirations, and an indestructible fellowship in destiny. These were the revelations of interState significance.

Locally the Piedmont Exposition was a revelation of marvelous excellence in all varieties of manufacturing industry; of surprising advance in every phase of mercantile enterprise; of vast improvement in stock and cattle-breeding; of admirable progress in methods of farming; and of an inexhaustible wealth in mineral and other natural resources.

It showed too that the Southern people "have pulled themselves together," and so energized their ambitions as to insure a rapid march in all ways of material development and substantial prosperity. In this spirit of revived hope they are greatly sustained by the constant realization of encouragement from all the other branches of our great family of States.

It can not fairly be claimed that the immense crowd which gathered in Atlanta during the Exposition was all attracted by the exhibition of the Piedmont resources. It must be admitted that the President and his wife were incalculably strong magnets. No doubt thousands went to Atlanta to see them who never approached the Exposition grounds. But the crowd was great enough to stand a very liberal allowance for the hero-worshiping element, and still leave a balance altogether ample to attest a deep and wide interest in the purposes and success of the Exposition itself.

The visitors numbered more than twice as many as the resident population. I mean it as no complaint against the provision which Atlanta made for her guests, but only as evidence of how the city was packed do I mention the fact that several churches and other public buildings were thrown open as sleeping-houses for strangers who were without shelter. I saw at least five hundred men, women, and children sleeping on their trunks in the Union Depot; and the cold marble steps of the Kimball House, for three flights up, were every night literally packed with men who dropped down on them in absolute exhaustion and slept.

If most of these people suffered all these discomforts merely for a glimpse of the President, it argues powerfully the Southern interest in national affairs. If, on the other hand, even a fair proportion of them were simply in attendance upon the Exposition, it proves a lively awakening of interest in the vast wealth and infinite resources of the Piedmont region. The fair was the first of its kind in the South which I ever knew to be profitable. The total cost was $199,530. The total receipts from all sources were $209,096. Thus is shown a net profit of $9566. In this calculation the permanent buildings and the grounds are put down in the